Political Parties as "Communities of Fate": Tests with Argentine Party Elites

1974 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 347 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Spencer Wellhofer
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party Elites

TRENDS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE EVOLUTION OF THE INSTITUTION OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN MODERN RUSSIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 87-95
Author(s):  
D.L. TSYBAKOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Party System ◽  
Sources Of Information ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
State Bureaucracy ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Post Industrial

The purpose of the article is to assess the nature of the evolution of the institution of political parties in post – Soviet Russia. The article substantiates that political parties continue to be one of the leading political institutions in the modern Russian Federation. The premature to recognize the functional incapacity of party institutions in the post-industrial/information society is noted. It is argued that political parties continue to be a link between society and state power, and retain the potential for targeted and regular influence on strategic directions of social development. The research methodology is based on the principles of consistency, which allowed us to analyze various sources of information and empirical data on trends and prospects for the evolution of the party system in the Russian Federation. As a result, the authors come to the conclusion that in Russian conditions the convergence of party elites with state bureaucracy is increasing, and there is a distance between political parties and civil society.

scholarly journals Penentuan Kandidat Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di Internal Partai Aceh

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ridwansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Research Results ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Strategic Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Party Congress

Artikel ini ingin menyorot mengenai penentuan kandidat pepala Pemerintah Aceh di internal Partai Aceh. Bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di Internal Partai Aceh. Serta mengetahui dan menganalisis penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di Internal Partai Aceh yang tidak merujuk kepada AD dan ART Partai Aceh sekaligus dengan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 20 Tahun 2007 tentang Partai Politik Lokal di Aceh. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dalam pembahasan, disimpulkan: Pertama, bahwa proses penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di internal Partai Aceh tidak sesuai dengan Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga Partai Aceh. Akan tetapi proses ditentukan dalam kongres partai hal ini berdasarkan pernyataan para elit-elit Partai Aceh. Kemudian Dewan Pimpinan Pusat, Dewan Pimpinan Wliayah, Dewan Pimpinan Sagoe, Dewan Pimpinan Mukim dan Dewan Pimpinan Gampong sudah mengadakan rapat dalam hal penentuan para kandidat yang diusung. Kedua, konsekuensi dari penentuan kandidat Kepala Pemerintah Aceh baik itu Calon Gubernur/Wakil Gubernur, Calon Bupati/Wakil Bupati, Calon Walikota/Wakil Walikota memang tidak merujuk kepada Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Partai Aceh, dalam Anggaran Rumah Tangga Pasal 6 yang menyatakan kewenangan Majelis Tuha Peut menentukan kebijakan strategis namun kenyataannya tidak demikian, hal ini inkonstitional karena melanggar ketentuan AD dan ART Partai Aceh. Karena legitimasi AD dan ART Partai Aceh diakui secara kuat oleh Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 20 Tahun 2007 tentang Partai Politik Lokal di Aceh. This article would like to highlight the determination of the Aceh Government candidate pala in internal Aceh Party. Aims to find out and analyze the determination of candidates for the candidates for the Head of the Government of Aceh in the Internal Aceh Party. As well as knowing and analyzing the determination of candidates for candidates for the Head of the Aceh Government in the Internal Aceh Party who did not refer to the AD and ART of the Aceh Party as well as Government Regulation Number 20 Year 2007 concerning Local Political Parties in Aceh. Based on the research results in the discussion, it was concluded: First, that the process of determining candidates for the Head of Aceh Government candidates in the Aceh Party internally was not in accordance with the Aceh Party Statutes and Bylaws. However, the process was determined at the party congress based on the statements of the Aceh Party elites. Then the Central Leadership Board, the Wliayah Leadership Board, the Sagoe Leadership Board, the Mukim Leadership Council and the Gampong Leadership Council held a meeting in determining the candidates to be promoted. Second, the consequences of determining the candidates for the Head of the Government of Aceh, whether Candidates for Governor / Deputy Governor, Candidates for Regent / Deputy Regent, Candidates for Mayor / Deputy Mayor, do not refer to the Statutes and Articles of the Aceh Party, in Article 6 of the Bylaws which states the authority of the Tuha Assembly Peut determines strategic policy but the reality is not the case, this is unconstitutional because it violates the provisions of the AD and ART of the Aceh Party. Because the legitimacy of the AD and ART of the Aceh Party is strongly recognized by Government Regulation Number 20 of 2007 concerning Local Political Parties in Aceh. 

The Strategic Use of Women Candidates in Post-Scandal Environments

2019 ◽  
pp. 62-94
Author(s):  
Melody E. Valdini
Keyword(s):  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Institutional Environment ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Large N ◽  
Party Elites

Chapter 4 examines the inclusion calculations of party elites in the aftermath of a massive corruption scandal. It argues that party elites have an incentive to strategically increase the presence of women candidates in such an environment in order to associate themselves and their party with stereotypical feminine traits, but this incentive is not always enough to trigger inclusion. Case study analyses of Spain, Portugal, and Ireland are presented, with evidence that political parties in Spain and Portugal recruit and run more women candidates in high-profile positions after a massive scandal breaks but, due to the high “costs” of running women in the institutional environment of Ireland, this effect is not found there. Finally, the chapter presents a large-N regression analysis of legislative electoral results over a period of 20 years, with evidence that more women win legislative seats in the aftermath of a corruption scandal.

scholarly journals Russian liberal thought and the formation of the modern theory of political parties

2020 ◽  
Vol 164 ◽  
pp. 11036
Author(s):  
Igor Andreev
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Liberal Theory ◽  
Modern Theory ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Scientific Methods ◽  
Philosophical Foundations ◽  
Political Sciences ◽  
Social Nature ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
General Scientific

The report highlights the little-explored aspects of the Russian liberal theory of political parties in the second half of the XIX – 30s of the XX centuries: the stages of its development, the philosophical foundations, and the innovative ideas of its main representatives. Analyzing the works of Russian liberal thinkers, the author used the methods of philosophical research, as well as approaches used in historical and political sciences, and also general scientific methods, such as logical and classification methods. The author distinguishes three stages in the development of the Russian liberal theory of political parties in this period: 1) 1858-1889; 2) 1889-1917); 3) 1917-1930s, which differ by subject of study (Russian or Western parties) and research tasks (preparing the conditions for the transition from authoritarianism to democracy or fighting against the totalitarian Communist system). The author notes the heterogeneity of the philosophical foundations of the Russian liberal theory of political parties, which included neo-Hegelianism, positivism, and even elements of Marxism. Among the most important achievements of Russian liberals, the author notes the study of the social nature and functions of party elites (Ostrogorski) and determining the place and role of the ruling parties in authoritarian and totalitarian political systems (Chicherin, Miliukov).

Which Party Elites Choose to Lead the Nomination Process?

2012 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher L. Anderson
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Strategic Incentives ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Presidential Nominations

Even though political parties maintain control of presidential nominations, little is known about what leads individual party members to participate in the process. Party elites have a collective incentive to nominate an electorally viable and ideologically unifying candidate, and they also have personal, strategic incentives that may foster or prevent their participation in the nominating process. Using endorsement data on a subset of party elites—members of the U.S. House of Representatives—this article finds that individual members of the extended party are strategic with their decision to participate in or abstain from the nomination process.

Party Elites and Leadership in Colombia and Venezuela

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
John D. Martz
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Recent Trend ◽  
Unit Of Analysis ◽  
Labour Unions ◽  
Campaigns And Elections ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Conceptual Progress

‘By studying political parties we imply that the party is a meaningful unit of analysis. Yet we go above the party as a unit, for we also study the party system. By the same token we can go below the party as a unit and study, thereby, the party subunits.’1 This statement by Giovanni Sartori, while published in 1976, might well have been a beacon for budding stasiologists of the early 1960s — certainly for those with a particular interest in Latin America. Following upon such Western European—orientated classics as the works of Maurice Duverger, Sigmund Neumann and Alfred Diamant,2 there seemed genuine intellectual impetus to produce significant scholarship on the parties of what were then customarily termed either the developing or the ‘non—western’ polities. For Latin America, the time appeared ripe for conceptual progress. To be sure, there was justification in remarking that the study of parties in the region was relatively new, while ‘methodo—logical accomplishments have been primitive’.3 Yet this condition was presumably transitory.In the years to follow there were more serious exploratory efforts, and in time a modest number of case—studies began appearing.4 When the cyclical alternation of democratic and dictatorial regimes began to swing toward the latter by the early 1970s, however, scholarly interest dropped off. More generally, stasiological research went into decline.5 For students of Latin America, only the recent trend toward democratisation has stimulated a revival of interest in parties, campaigns and elections.6 Thus Lorenzo Meyer, for instance, described parties as institutions necessary ‘to channel the energies of social movements, labour unions, and other antiauthoritarian forces present at the beginning of the re—emergence of civil society’.7

scholarly journals The Blame Game: Narratives of Electoral Defeat and Party Change. The Case of Four Polish Political Parties

2021 ◽  
pp. 79-97
Author(s):  
Maciej Bachryj-Krzywaźnia
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Distinctive Feature ◽  
Theoretical Approach ◽  
Psychological Explanation ◽  
Narrative Strategies ◽  
Party Change ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Electoral Defeat ◽  
Party Elites

The purpose of the article is to present party elites’ narratives about electoral defeat in order to identify characteristics of the narratives which may inhibit or facilitate party change. The opening sections explain theoretical approach and methodology adopted for the research. The next paragraphs reconstruct and compare narratives of four Polish political parties, which experienced electoral defeat in 2011 and 2015 parliamentary elections, and give a psychological explanation for their emergence. As a result, four narrative strategies were identified of which only one seems to have potential to facilitate party change. Its distinctive feature is internalization of blame, whereas the others reveal tendency to denial or personalize and externalize blame.

Mobilization in Multi-Level Systems

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sona N. Golder ◽  
Ignacio Lago ◽  
André Blais ◽  
Elisabeth Gidengil ◽  
Thomas Gschwend
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Voter Mobilization ◽  
Party Strategies ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Multi Level

Existing accounts of multi-level elections focus on voters rather than on political parties, but the multi-level arrangement also affects party strategies. Party elites base their voter mobilization strategies in part on the features of each electoral arena, and make decisions about how to allocate their resources across these arenas accordingly. Small parties, in particular, focus their mobilization efforts on electoral arenas in which the electoral rules are more permissive, so that the parties have a better chance of winning seats. This chapter shows that larger or more nationalized parties tend to make different choices with respect to what kind of potential voters they attempt to mobilize, and for which kind of election, compared with smaller, under-resourced, or regionally based parties.

scholarly journals Political representation of racial minorities in the parliament of Singapore

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 225-239
Author(s):  
Waikeung Tam
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Racial Minority ◽  
Racial Minorities ◽  
Research Note ◽  
The Political ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Content Analyses ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Minority Interests

AbstractThis research note studies the political representation of racial minorities in Singapore. Specifically, it analyzes whether racial minority members of parliament (MPs) are more likely than Chinese MPs to represent the interests of racial minorities in the Parliament. I answer this question through conducting content analyses of the parliamentary questions raised during the plenary meetings of the 10th–12th Parliament of Singapore (2002–2015). In total, 6,678 questions were asked. Our results show that racial minority MPs were significantly more likely (21.79 times) than Chinese MPs to ask questions related to racial minorities. While this study shows that racial minority MPs were significantly more likely than Chinese MPs to ask questions related to racial minorities, it also highlights the inadequacy of representation of racial minority interests in the Parliament of Singapore. During our period of study, only 1.2% of the total number of parliamentary questions focused on racial minorities. Besides MPs' race, this study finds that partisan affiliation crucially influenced the likelihood of MPs to represent racial minority interests. Political parties played an important role in shaping MPs' representational behavior. Compared to the People's Action Party (PAP) MPs, opposition MPs were significantly more likely to raise racial minority-related questions. One possible explanation could be that opposition MPs used parliamentary questions as an important tool to challenge and criticize the governing party's policies on racial minorities. Another explanation could be that PAP racial minority MPs' first loyalty has to be to the party and government rather than their co-ethnics, given that they are beholden to party elites for their seats.

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