scholarly journals Da ação coletiva ao crime: repertórios de movimentos sociais e facções prisionais | From collective action to crime: repertoires of social movements and prison factions

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (17) ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Gomes
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
Modus Operandi

O trabalho discute a organização prisional em facções a partir de paralelos com ações coletivas, com teorias dos movimentos sociais para lançar luz às práticas das facções prisionais. Dessa forma, baseado em um trabalho de inspiração etnográfica em prisões masculinas e femininas no Rio de Janeiro, Manaus e Fortaleza, abordaremos convergências e diferenças entre o modus operandi das facções prisionais do país, Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), Comando Vermelho (CV), Facção do Norte (FDN) e Guardiões do Estado (GDE) e movimentos sociais. Desde 2006, aumentaram significativamente as rebeliões, queima de veículos e transferência de presos, como instrumentos de barganha, aqui entendidas como repertórios. A pesquisa aponta para um funcionamento das facções que, por ser empiricamente orientado, traz elementos inovadores para pensar os limites e as possibilidades das teorias da ação coletiva.

We are “the Resistance”: Predictors and consequences of self-categorization into the emerging movement to oppose Trump

2020 ◽  
pp. 136843022097475
Author(s):  
Samuel Hansen Freel ◽  
Rezarta Bilali ◽  
Erin Brooke Godfrey
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Longitudinal Study ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Efficacy Beliefs ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Identity Consolidation

In a three-wave longitudinal study conducted in the first 100 days of Trump’s presidency, this paper examines how people come to self-categorize into the emerging social movement “the Resistance,” and how self-categorization into this movement influences future participation in collective action and perceptions of the movement’s efficacy. Conventional collective action (e.g., protest, lobby legislators)—but not persuasive collective action (e.g., posting on social media)—and perceived identity consolidation efficacy of the movement at Wave 1 predicted a higher likelihood of self-categorization into the movement 1 month later (Wave 2) and 2 months later (Wave 3). Self-categorization into the Resistance predicted two types of higher subsequent movement efficacy perceptions, and helped sustain the effects of conventional collective action and movement efficacy beliefs at Wave 1 on efficacy beliefs at Wave 3. Implications for theory and future research on emerging social movements are discussed.

How Collective-Action Failure Shapes Group Heterogeneity and Engagement in Conventional and Radical Action Over Time

2021 ◽  
pp. 095679762097056
Author(s):  
Morgana Lizzio-Wilson ◽  
Emma F. Thomas ◽  
Winnifred R. Louis ◽  
Brittany Wilcockson ◽  
Catherine E. Amiot ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Latent Profile Analysis ◽  
Profile Analysis ◽  
Social Identification ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Group Efficacy ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Over Time

Extensive research has identified factors influencing collective-action participation. However, less is known about how collective-action outcomes (i.e., success and failure) shape engagement in social movements over time. Using data collected before and after the 2017 marriage-equality debate in Australia, we conducted a latent profile analysis that indicated that success unified supporters of change ( n = 420), whereas failure created subgroups among opponents ( n = 419), reflecting four divergent responses: disengagement (resigned acceptors), moderate disengagement and continued investment (moderates), and renewed commitment to the cause using similar strategies (stay-the-course opponents) or new strategies (innovators). Resigned acceptors were least inclined to act following failure, whereas innovators were generally more likely to engage in conventional action and justify using radical action relative to the other profiles. These divergent reactions were predicted by differing baseline levels of social identification, group efficacy, and anger. Collective-action outcomes dynamically shape participation in social movements; this is an important direction for future research.

Reinventing the Concept of Civic Culture

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Lichterman
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Voluntary Associations ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
Social Movement Organizations ◽  
Alternative Approach ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
Movement Organizations

This article proposes a new and better concept of civic culture and shows how it can benefit sociology. It argues that a better concept of civic culture gives us a stronger, comparative, and contextual perspective on voluntary associations—the conventional American empirical referent for “civic”—while also improving our sociologies of religion and social movements. The article first considers the classic perspective on civic culture and its current incarnations in order to show why we need better conceptual groundwork than they have offered. It then introduces the alternative approach, which is rooted in a pragmatist understanding of collective action and both builds on and departs in some ways from newly prominent understandings of culture in sociology. This approach’s virtues are illustrated with ethnographic examples from a variety of volunteer groups, social movement organizations, and religious associations.

Indigenous Peoples, Social Movements, and the Legacy of Hugo Chávez’s Governments

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 180-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis F. Angosto-Ferrández
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Indigenous Population ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
The Way

The unprecedented enfranchisement of Venezuela’s indigenous population is partly a result of the formation of a state-sponsored indigenous movement. This movement prioritizes access to social services, economic development, and political participation in state structures over certain goals of free determination. Other forms of collective action with different priorities are evidence of the existence of diverging interests and goals among indigenous people. These divergences are a reflection of the way in which the indigenous population partakes in the shaping of contemporary Venezuelan politics. La inclusión social de las comunidades indígenas de Venezuela no tiene precedentes y se debe, en parte, a la formación de movimientos indígenas auspiciados por el estado. Estos movimientos le dan prioridad al acceso a los servicios sociales, al desarrollo económico y a la participación política en las estructuras estatales por encima de ciertas metas de libre determinación. Otras formas de acción colectiva con prioridades diferentes revelan la presencia/existencia de intereses y objetivos divergentes entre las comunidades indígenas. Estas diferencias son un reflejo de la manera en que las poblaciones indígenas participan en la formación de la política venezolana contemporánea.

scholarly journals Social movements and environmental health in Rio de Janeiro: contributions for national reflections

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Eduardo Stotz ◽  
Frederico Perez
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Environmental Health ◽  
Rio De Janeiro

Movimentos sociais são formas de ação coletiva mais ou menos permanentes, pautadas por distintos projetos, orientações e significados, empenhados na luta pela igualdade, liberdade e democratização das relações sociais. No campo da Saúde Ambiental, é destacado o papel desses movimentos na construção de uma agenda política, cuja expressão máxima se traduz na organização da I Conferência Nacional de Saúde Ambiental, em dezembro de 2009, na cidade de Brasília. O presente manuscrito apresenta algumas contribuições para a discussão sobre as relações entre os movimentos sociais e a construção de uma agenda política para o campo da Saúde Ambiental, a partir de uma análise crítica da atuação dos principais grupos envolvidos com o campo no estado do Rio de Janeiro. Através da análise de documentos (relatórios finais, cartas de princípios, documentos síntese, etc.) produzidos em fóruns onde a atuação desses movimentos teve destaque, foi possível observar que a atuação desses movimentos sociais pautou e deu a tônica dos conflitos socioambientais no estado do Rio de Janeiro colocando, de um lado, o Poder Público e as políticas desenvolvimentistas e, de outro, a sociedade e a preocupação com a preservação de recursos naturais e da qualidade do ambiente. Seja no campo, onde se torna cada vez mais urgente a busca por outro tipo de desenvolvimento econômico, ou nas cidades, onde o crescimento desordenado, delimitado por forças motrizes de ordem estritamente econômica, gera diferentes tipos de pressão que alteram o estado do ambiente e colocam um contingente populacional cada vez maior em situação de vulnerabilidade socioambiental, a pauta dos movimentos sociais em torno das questões socioambientais é extensa, e exige uma atenção especial por parte do Poder Público.

scholarly journals Estrangeirismos na cidade: inventando o comum em zonas urbanas fronteiriças / Estrangement in the city: inventing the common in urban fringe zones

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 166
Author(s):  
Alice Vignoli Reis ◽  
Mônica Botelho Alvim
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
Spatial Segregation ◽  
Urban Fringe ◽  
Research Practices ◽  
Social Organizations ◽  
De Se ◽  
The Common ◽  
The City

ResumoNossas cidades sãofortemente marcadas por processos de segregação socioespacial que as dividem em territórios  estrangeiros, cada qual com seu universo cultural próprio. Essesestrangeirismos frequentemente colocam desafios às práticas de extensão universitária, ou outras práticas de pesquisa e trabalho que colocam em contato distintos universos culturais. Apartir da experiência de se sentir estrangeira na Favela da Mangueira, que se deu no âmbito de um projeto de extensão universitária vinculado ao Instituto de Psicologia da UFRJ,pretendemos traçar uma reflexão sobre como delimitam-seessas fronteiras urbanas e sobre as possibilidades de invenção do comum em uma cidade dividida, colocando em diálogo nossas experiências no campo com as elaborações de autores da fenomenologia, filosofia política, história, arte e urbanismo. Buscamos colaborar, desta forma, com aqueles que atuam emprojetos de pesquisa-intervenção, extensão universitária, movimentos sociais, ONGs e outras formas de organização social que trabalhem em zonas fronteiriças dentro da cidade.Palavras-chave: Segregação Urbana; Produção do Comum; Estética; Política; Pesquisa-Intervenção.AbstractOur cities are keenly characterized by processes of socio-spatial segregation which divide them into estranged territories, each with its own cultural universe. Such estrangements areoften challenging to university extension practices, as wellas to other work and research practices which foster contact between different cultural universes. Based on our experience of‘feeling like a foreigner’ in the Favela da Mangueira during a university extension project associated with the Institute of Psychology of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, we offer a reflection on how urban partitions arise and how we can invent the common in a divided city. We look to make our experiences in the field conversant with the works of authors from different areas, such as phenomenology, political philosophy, history, art and urbanism. Thus, we seek to collaborate with other researchers who direct research-intervention projects, university extension, social movements, NGOs and other types of social organizations working in urban fringe zones.Keywords: Urban Segregation; Production of the Common; Aesthetics; Politics; Research-Intervention.

One Foot on the Streets, One Foot on the Web

2018 ◽  
pp. 443-453
Author(s):  
Paolo Gerbaudo
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
Qualitative Methodology ◽  
Digital Communication ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
Digital Era ◽  
Digital Politics ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Web

Digital communication technologies are modifying how social movements communicate internally and externally and the way participants are organized and mobilized. This transformation calls for a rethinking of how we conceive of and analyze them. Scholars cannot be content with studying the digital and the physical or the online and the offline separately, but must explore the imbrication between these aspects by studying how the elements of social movements combine in a political “ensemble,” an ecosystem, or an action texture, defining the possibilities and limits of collective action. This chapter proposes a qualitative methodology combining analysis of digital media with observations of events and interviews with participants to develop a holistic account of collective action. This methodology is best positioned to capture the changing nature and meaning of protest action in a digital era, producing a “thick account” of the relationship between digital politics and everyday life.

18. Political Participation

2020 ◽  
pp. 318-335
Author(s):  
Herbert Kitschelt ◽  
Philipp Rehm
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Politically Active

This chapter examines four fundamental questions relating to political participation. First, it considers different modes of political participation such as social movements, interest groups, and political parties. Second, it analyses the determinants of political participation, focusing in particular on the paradox of collective action. Third, it explains political participation at the macro-level in order to identify which contextual conditions are conducive to participation and the role of economic affluence in political participation. Finally, the chapter discusses political participation at the micro-level. It shows that both formal associations and informal social networks, configured around family and friendship ties, supplement individual capacities to engage in political participation or compensate for weak capacities, so as to boost an individual’s probability to become politically active.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document