scholarly journals Platón y la política como cuidado de las pasiones: sobre el tratamiento de la benevolencia en el Gorgias = Politics as care of the passions in Plato: on the treatment of benevolence in the Gorgias

ΠΗΓΗ/FONS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Gustavo Gómez Pérez

Resumen: Sócrates, en el Gorgias (521d) , afirma ser el único ateniense que practica en su tiempo el verdadero arte político. En este artículo se interpreta esta aserción desde el análisis del verbo θεραπεύω , que en el contexto del diálogo puede traducirse como “servir”, “cuidar” o “atender” (513e, 521a), y que alude primariamente al carácter terapéutico de la política en analogía con la medicina, aunque eventualmente también se usa para referir, por ejemplo, al entrenamiento de los caballos (516e). La tesis central es que Sócrates entiende el ejercicio de la política como cuidado de las pasiones, y de su relación con la benevolencia, que se define como una disposición afectiva básica y esencialmente política. A manera de conclusión, se plantea que el ejercicio socrático de la política depende de las posibilidades performativas del lenguaje, y está determinado por una tensión irreductible entre lo político y lo apolítico.Palabras clave: Platón, Gorgias, política, pasiones, benevolencia.Abstract:  In the Gorgias (521d), Socrates claims to be the only Athenian who practices the real art of politics in his time. The present paper interprets this assertion based on an analysis of the Greek verb θεραπεύω, which in the context of the dialogue means “serving”, “caring”, or “tending” (513e, 521a). It alludes primarily to the therapeutic character of politics by analogy with medicine, but it also can refer to the training of horses (516e).  Socrates understands the practice of politics as a way of taking care of the passions, and of their relation to goodwill, which is considered to be a necessary affective disposition that is inherently political. Socratic political n practice depends on the performative possibilities of language. An irreducible tension between the political and the apolitical determines it. Keywords: Plato, Gorgias, politics, passions, benevolence.

2020 ◽  
pp. 68-99
Author(s):  
Justin Gautreau

This chapter argues that hard-boiled detective fiction provided disillusioned screenwriters with a platform to project a fantasy version of themselves and preserve what was left of their ego under studio employment. Where the screenwriter felt emasculated, creatively stunted, and expendable, the hard-boiled detective was characteristically tough, autonomous, and invaluable in taking care of the studio’s dirty work. Meanwhile, in their aim to disrupt the promotional façade of Hollywood, these writers found inspiration not only in the political limits of the screen but also in the industry’s ongoing efforts to regulate Hollywood as a place. A.C. and Carmen Edington’s novel The Studio Murder Mystery and Raoul Whitfield’s Death in a Bowl therefore created a critical lens through which to view the “real” Hollywood in the era of the talkies. These novels treat Hollywood Boulevard and the Hollywood Bowl as extensions of soundstages where stars perform their studio-mandated morals clause for an unsuspecting public. It is only by realizing that movie “magic” is no longer exclusive to studio lots that the detective can solve the mystery.


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 697-709
Author(s):  
Jock Macleod

AS AN UNDERGRADUATE IN THE1970s, my introduction to the 1890s was perfunctory. Squeezed into a couple of weeks in the middle of a year-long course on “Victorian and Modern Literature,” the literature of the decade was reduced to aestheticism and decadence and presented as something of a preliminary to the real business of modernism. Such a focus reflected the scholarship of the time, in which thefin de sièclewas constructed as a moment of transition, one in which the political and socio-ethical dimensions so central to high Victorian literature were evacuated, as arguments for the autonomy of art came to dominate the literary cultural landscape. The organising principle was one of bifurcation: the separating out ofavant gardefrom bourgeois culture, the high from the low and, of particular relevance to this essay, literature from politics.


Slavic Review ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgitta Ingemanson

During the winter of 1922-1923 when she was just beginning her diplomatic career, Bolshevik activist Aleksandra Kollontai wrote two novels and several short stories that were immediately published in Russia and subsequently combined into two volumes under the titles Liubov’ pchel trudovykh and Zhenshchina na perelome. They were dismissed as mere autobiographical romances, indulging in unhealthy introspection and dangerously divorced from the “real” demands of society. At a time when Soviet Russia was facing enormous challenges connected with the reconstruction after the civil war and with the partial return to a market economy under the New Economic Policy (NEP), Kollontai's focus on domestic relationships and the status of women seemed narrow and excessively private.


Dialog ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-43
Author(s):  
Miftahussurur Miftahussurur

This descriptive­analytics article is aimed to trace­back the dynamics and fragmentation of political Islam in Indonesia. It focuses on relation between the dynamics of political Islam and its historical process and its social-political context. After reformation era, the power of political Islam in Indonesia has been getting highly and more fragmented. Rather, the fragmentation was seemingly caused by interest of elites than ideology dispute. It was the reason why the power of political Islam has been never unified, even to boost the people’s interest. The political Islam tended to struggle enforcing God’s law (syariah) rather than solving the real problem such as economy and basic need of society or ummah. In the fact, enforcing the Syariah law was merely artificial one. Finally, the political Islam always fails in transforming social, economy and politics due to its elitism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-20
Author(s):  
Heather Alberro
Keyword(s):  

“The real, the possible, and the political are all joined at the hip. It is precisely because other possibles have been turned into ‘impossibles’ that we find it so difficult to imagine otherrealities.” Arturo Escobar (2020, 3)


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Jeroen Klink

R e s u m o O artigo problematiza a literatura crítica sobre o Projeto Eixo Tamanduatehy (Santo André) no sentido de enraizá-la na trajetória específica da cidade de Santo André e de contribuir com a reflexão sobre o significado das “experiências reais” de planejamento estratégico urbano no cenário atual da globalização neoliberal. Argumentamos que a ausência de uma leitura de três dimensões entrelaçadas dificultou uma compreensão adequadado legado deste projeto, isto é: (I) a construção política e contestada da escala local, além de seu significado para a disputa de hegemonia sobre a gestão urbana; (II) o planejamento estratégico,a neoliberalização e a emergência de uma representação hegemônica do espaço urbano a partirdo Projeto Eixo Tamanduatehy e (III) planos, projetos estratégicos e a emergência de novos espaços de representação.Palavras-chave Empresariamento urbano; planejamento estratégico; Projeto Eixo Tamanduatehy. A b s t r a c t In this paper the critical literature on the Project Eixo Tamanduatehyis highlighted in a problematic perspective, in the sense of embedding it within the specific trajectory of the city of Santo André, and to contribute with a reflection on the significanceof the “real experiences” of strategic urban planning in the present scenario of neoliberal globalization. Our argument is that the absence of an analysis on three interlinked dimensions has made an adequate understanding of the legacy of this project more difficult, that is: (i)the political and contested nature of scale, besides its significance for the hegemonic disputesover urban management; (ii) strategic planning, neoliberalization and the emergence of ahegemonic representation of urban space on the basis of the Project Eixo Tamanduatehy; and (iii) plans, strategic projects and the emergence of new spaces of representation.Keywords Projeto Eixo Tamanduatehy; strategic planning; urban entrepreneurialism;.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-136
Author(s):  
Maurits S. Berger

Abstract To understand the concerns and issues related to Muslims and Islam in Europe, this article makes use of a framework that qualifies ‘Islam’ as two manifestations of ‘physical’ and ‘virtual’ Islam and ‘Europe’ as two discourses defined as the political-legal and cultural-religious discourse. The resulting matrix of these four dimensions will be applied to several of the main issues of the interaction between Islam and Europe: the numerical presence of Muslims, their visibility, the legacy of centuries of European-Islamic interaction, and the (in)compatibility of Islamic and European values. Based on these examples, the author observes that the European concerns regarding ‘Islam’ mostly relate to virtual Islam and are dominated by cultural-religious discourse. The author therefore questions the often-heard two-choice question between ‘Europanization of Islam’ or ‘Islamization of Europe’, arguing that the real choice to be made in Europe is whether it will adhere to its political-legal values, such as liberalism, equalit and human rights, or will prefer its cultural-religious values.


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