scholarly journals The Bengal Partition of 1905: the Evaluation of British Civilians Activities and Its Effect and Consequence

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-70
Author(s):  
Debashish Kumar Pramanik ◽  
Taposh Kumar Neogy
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Grand Design ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Divide And Rule ◽  
Personal Community ◽  
Colonial Government

The Partition of Bengal (1905) and the creation of a new province opened a new chapter in the history of this region. Whatever might have been the real motive of the colonial government behind the scheme, it divided the Hindus and the Muslims of Bengal. Most of the upper caste Hindus opposed it on the ground that by partitioning Bengal the government, in effect, had planned to divide the Bangla- speaking people. The also argued that it was the part of the government’s grand design of ‘divide and rule’. On the other hand, most of the upper class Muslims in general supported the scheme. The thought that their interests would be better protected in the newly created province and the would be able to overcome decades of backwardness. Yet, there were some Muslims who opposed the partition. As they belonged both to upper class and ordinary section of the Muslim population, their reasons for supporting the partition also varied. Personal, community, national and economic interests prompted interests prompted them to oppose the partition of Bengal.  

scholarly journals THE INERTIA OF THE REVOLUTION OR JUST THE BEGINNING: G. MORRIS ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF THE XVIII CENTURY

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (7(57)) ◽  
pp. 3-5
Author(s):  
Daria Andreevna Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The Other ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Xviii Century ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

The diary of G. Morris is valuable on the history of the French Revolution of the XVIII century, in particular on the problems of salon life in France, biographies of some outstanding personalities (Talleyrand, Lafayette, Necker). The article mainly focuses on the interpretation of events by the author of the diary — G. Morris, a revolutionary, politician, orator and a recognized authority in the circle of the upper class. G. Morris not only gives a chronology of the history of the revolution, but also rethinks this experience, which has become the subject for the study of this article. To reveal the topic, a question was raised, to which G. Morris indirectly gives an answer. The inertia of the revolution or just the beginning? Will there be a continuation of the revolutionary events or will it come to naught? And Morris was largely right when he said that the revolution did not achieve what was originally planned – freedom, which means that its work is not finished, but on the other hand, although the tension did not completely disappear, it was smoothed out by the activities of the government.

scholarly journals The Porous Border Woven with Prejudices and Economic Interests. Polish Border Admission Practices in the Time of COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (11) ◽  
pp. 435
Author(s):  
Witold Klaus
Keyword(s):  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Farm Workers ◽  
The Other ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
Legal Provisions ◽  
Global Movement ◽  
The Government ◽  
Seasonal Farm Workers ◽  
Polish Government

The COVID-19 pandemic has severely restricted global movement, thus affecting migration processes and immigrants themselves. The paper focuses on the evaluation of bordering procedures and practices introduced by the Polish government in the time of the pandemic. The aim is to highlight the duality in the admission processes at Polish borders between labour and forced migrants, which have been driven, as I argue, by economic interests and the xenophobic attitudes of the government. The paper is based on interviews with experts assisting migrants during the pandemic in Poland, whose direct contact with thousands of clients has allowed them to acquire broad knowledge of how the new legal provisions have affected different groups of immigrants. The data confirms that the Polish border is very porous. It has been almost completely closed to asylum seekers, especially those fleeing from Muslim countries, for whom the only option is to cross the border illegally. Only one exception was made for Belarusians, who were cordially welcomed at the border while escaping persecution in their home country in the wake of their protests against Lukashenko’s regime. Economic migrants, on the other hand, exist on the other side of the spectrum. For immigrant workers, borders have remained open throughout the whole pandemic. Moreover, some further measures facilitating their arrival were introduced, such as de facto lifting of quarantine for seasonal farm workers.

Diasporas in Despair, 1560–1700

The Great Sea ◽  
2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Abulafia
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
The Other ◽  
Religious Identities ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Sephardic Jews ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
Jewish Descent

Ottoman sultans and Spanish kings, along with their tax officials, took a strong interest in the religious identity of those who crossed the areas of the Mediterranean under their control. Sometimes, in an era marked by the clash of Christian and Muslim empires, the Mediterranean seems to be sharply divided between the two faiths. Yet the Ottomans had long accepted the existence of Christian majorities in many of the lands they ruled, while other groups navigated (metaphorically) between religious identities. The Sephardic Jews have already been encountered, with their astonishing ability to mutate into notionally Christian ‘Portuguese’ when they entered the ports of Mediterranean Spain. This existence suspended between worlds set off its own tensions in the seventeenth century, when many Sephardim acclaimed a deluded Jew of Smyrna as the Messiah. Similar tensions could also be found among the remnants of the Muslim population of Spain. The tragic history of the Moriscos was played out largely away from the Mediterranean Sea between the conversion of the last openly practising Muslims, in 1525, and the final act of their expulsion in 1609; it was their very isolation from the Islamic world that gave these people their distinctive identity, once again suspended between religions. The world inhabited by these Moriscos differed in important respects from that inhabited by the other group of conversos, those of Jewish descent. Although some Moriscos were hauled before the Inquisition, the Spanish authorities at first turned a blind eye to the continued practice of Islam; it was sometimes possible to pay the Crown a ‘service’ that bought exemption from interference by the Inquisition, which was mortified to discover that it could not boost its income by seizing the property of exempt suspects. Many Morisco communities lacked a Christian priest, so the continued practice of the old religion is no great surprise; even in areas where christianization took place, what sometimes emerged was an islamized Christianity, evinced in the remarkable lead tablets of Sacromonte, outside Granada, with their prophecies that ‘the Arabs will be those who aid religion in the last days’ and their mysterious references to a Christian caliph, or successor (to Jesus, not Muhammad).

Islam di Thailand

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-390
Author(s):  
Sanurdi Sanurdi
Keyword(s):  
Public Institutions ◽  
The Other ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Southern Thailand ◽  
The Government ◽  
Separatist Movement

In the history Islam has existed in Thailand since the 13th century. Muslims have been active in trade and administration in the Thailand kingdom. However, in its development, as a minority, there was conflict due to discrimination and intimidation. In 2000 the percentage of religion in Thailand was Buddhist (95%), Islam (4%), Christian (0.6%), and other religions (0.4%). This paper seeks to examine the existence of Islam and the problems of Muslims as a minority in Thailand. In general, the Muslim population in Thailand is divided into two groups, namely Malay Muslims and Thai Muslims. The majority of Muslims are in the Southern part of Thailand, especially in Pattani area so they are often referred to as Muslim Patani Darussalam or Patani Raya which is closer to Malay. While the Thai Muslims are in the Middle and North that includes the descendants of Iranian Muslims, Champa, Indonesia, India, Pakistan, China, and Malay. Problems faced by Muslims in Thailand are more commonly experienced by Malay Muslims or Pattani in southern Thailand. They are regarded as Khaek (guests or foreigners), a negative prejudice. Malay language and names are prohibited from being used in public institutions, such as schools and government agencies. This resulted in the emergence of Pattani's reaction and resistance to the part of Southern Thailand  to obtain special autonomy, even to separatists. Finally, in early 2004 there were several incidents and riots occurring in Southern Thailand, especially in Narathiwat, Yala, and Pattani. This conflict occurs because the demands of the separatist movement and the government act hard against them in militaristic ways, on the other hand people are also dissatisfied with government discrimination as well as violence actions separatist movement. This is exacerbated and worsened by USA intervention in the conflict under the pretext of fighting Islamic separatist violence.

Parties and Issues in Early Victorian England

1966 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O. Aydelotte
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Other ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Victorian England ◽  
Parliamentary Reform ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Oratory

It has never been established how far, in the early Victorian House of Commons, voting on issues followed party lines. It might in general seem plausible to assume — what political oratory generally contrives to suggest — that there are ideological disagreements between parties and that it makes a difference which of two major opposing parties is in control of the Government. This is, indeed, the line taken by some students of politics. A number of historians and political observers have, however, inclined to the contrary opinion and have, for various reasons, tended to play down the role of issues in party disputes. Much of what has been written on political history and, in particular, on the history of Parliament has had a distinct anti-ideological flavor.One line of argument is that issues on which disagreement exists are not always party questions. Robert Trelford McKenzie begins his study of British parties by pointing out that Parliament just before 1830 was “divided on a great issue of principle, namely Catholic emancipation,” and just after 1830, on another, parliamentary reform. He continues: “But on neither issue was there a clear division along strict party lines.” The distinguished administration of Sir Robert Peel in the 1840s was based, according to Norman Gash, on a party “deeply divided both on policy and personalities.” The other side of the House at that time is usually thought to have been even more disunited. It has even been suggested that, in the confused politics of the mid-nineteenth century, the wordsconservativeandradicaleach meant so many different things that they cannot be defined in terms of programs and objectives and that these polarities may more usefully be considered in terms of tempers and approaches.

The Modification of the Anti-Clerical Nationalism of the Mexican Revolution by General Lázaro Cárdenas and Its Relationship to the Church-State Detente in Mexico

1969 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert L. Michaels
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
The Other ◽  
Roman Catholic Church ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas ◽  
The Church

The man of the Revolution disputed the very nature of Mexico with the Roman Catholic. The revolutionary, whether Callista or Cardenista, believed that the church had had a pernicious influence on the history of Mexico. He claimed that Mexico could not become a modern nation until the government had eradicated all the influence of the Roman Catholic Church. The Catholic, on the other hand, was convinced that his religion was the basis of Mexico's nationality. Above all, the Catholic believed that Mexico needed a system of order. He was convinced that his faith had brought order and peace to Mexico in the colonial period, and as the faith declined, Mexico degenerated into anarchy.

Somali Resistance to Colonial Rule and the Development of Somali Political Activity in Kenya 1893–1960

1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. R. Turton
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Somali Youth

This article investigates the relationship between different phases of Somali political activity in Kenya. A clear contrast emerges between the focus, the aims and the methods adopted by the Somali pastoralists along the northern frontier and those adopted by the Isaq and Herti Somali traders in Nairobi and Isiolo. The attitude of the former towards the Colonial Government was essentially negative. Yet, while they tended to be resisterspar excellenceand fought against the Government on a large number of occasions between 1893 and 1916, this article shows that their resistance was much more limited than has generally been supposed and that they were never united on a clan basis in their resistance. In fact intra-clan rivalries seriously undermined the effectiveness of their activities Moreover, certain weaker Somali segments actively cooperated with the Government in order to obtain military and political support for their positions which were threatened by stronger groups.On the other hand, Isaq and Herti traders attempted to manipulate the political institution in order to obtain additional privileges within the system. Their agitation had positive goals, for they campaigned to gain Asiatic status. They put pressure on the central organs of Government and hired lawyers to plead their case. They wrote numerous petitions and memorials to governors of the colony, to Secretaries of State and even to two British kings. They formed well-organized political associations and had contacts in British Somaliland and England. Yet, by a curious irony, it seems that the Somali Exemption Ordinance of 1919, which represented the closest they came to achieving non-native status, was not passed as a result of their campaigns. In fact, their later agitation achieved nothing; it seems to have represented a futile effort to counter the gradual erosion of privileges obtained at an earlier date.One of the main characteristics of the Isaq and Herti agitation was its essentially sectarian character. In fighting to obtain Asiatic status they emphasized traits that isolated them from other Somali groups, and they even ended by denying that they were Somali. As such, there was a considerable disparity between their aims and those of the Somali Youth League which emerged in 1946 as the main vehicle of mass Somali nationalism, uniting the Somali pastoralists and traders in one group.

PUBLIC HEALTH, NURSING, MEDICAL SOCIAL WORK

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1957 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 651-656
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Short History ◽  
Medical Social Work ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Health Nursing ◽  
The One ◽  
And Child Health

"IF THE Government can have a department to look out after the Nation's farm crops, why can't it have a bureau to look after the Nation's child crop?" It was 1903 and Miss Lillian Wald, founder of New York's Henry Street Settlement, was writing to Mrs. Florence Kelley of the National Consumer's League. This was the beginning of the 9-year effort, in Congress and throughout the country, which led to the foundation of the Children's Bureau in 1912. Devotion, preseverance and steadfastness of purpose have marked the Bureau's leadership since its establishment, and Dr. Martha May Eliot, recently resigned Chief, has been an outstanding example of the fearless fighter for better care of children. Her resignation, to become Professor of Maternal and Child Health at Harvard University's School of Public Health, put to a close a period of 31 years in the Bureau, years full of striking progress and accomplishments. Martha Eliot's career and the history of the Children's Bureau are closely interwoven; to understand the one it is important to know the other. A happy coincidence is the recent appearance of a short history of the Children's Bureau providing an interesting and factual chronicle, beginning with the first efforts at the turn of the century to establish an agency for children.

ISLAM DI THAILAND

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-390
Author(s):  
Sanurdi Sanurdi
Keyword(s):  
Public Institutions ◽  
The Other ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Southern Thailand ◽  
The Government ◽  
Separatist Movement

In the history Islam has existed in Thailand since the 13th century. Muslims have been active in trade and administration in the Thailand kingdom. However, in its development, as a minority, there was conflict due to discrimination and intimidation. In 2000 the percentage of religion in Thailand was Buddhist (95%), Islam (4%), Christian (0.6%), and other religions (0.4%). This paper seeks to examine the existence of Islam and the problems of Muslims as a minority in Thailand. In general, the Muslim population in Thailand is divided into two groups, namely Malay Muslims and Thai Muslims. The majority of Muslims are in the Southern part of Thailand, especially in Pattani area so they are often referred to as Muslim Patani Darussalam or Patani Raya which is closer to Malay. While the Thai Muslims are in the Middle and North that includes the descendants of Iranian Muslims, Champa, Indonesia, India, Pakistan, China, and Malay. Problems faced by Muslims in Thailand are more commonly experienced by Malay Muslims or Pattani in southern Thailand. They are regarded as Khaek (guests or foreigners), a negative prejudice. Malay language and names are prohibited from being used in public institutions, such as schools and government agencies. This resulted in the emergence of Pattani's reaction and resistance to the part of Southern Thailand to obtain special autonomy, even to separatists. Finally, in early 2004 there were several incidents and riots occurring in Southern Thailand, especially in Narathiwat, Yala, and Pattani. This conflict occurs because the demands of the separatist movement and the government act hard against them in militaristic ways, on the other hand people are also dissatisfied with government discrimination as well as violence actions separatist movement. This is exacerbated and worsened by USA intervention in the conflict under the pretext of fighting Islamic separatist violence.

scholarly journals KPM VERSUS PELNI: PERSAINGAN MEREBUT HEGEMONI JARINGAN PELAYARAN DI NUSANTARA, 1945–1960

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Bambang Surowo
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
National Development ◽  
The Other ◽  
Shipping Company ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
East Indies ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
West Papua ◽  
The Government ◽  
Colonial Government

This study examines the competition between KPM versus PT Pelni in seizing the network hegemony cruise in the archipelago in 1945 to 1960 using the historical method. KPM is a major shipping company that was also founded by two major companies Rotterdamsche Lloyd (RL) and Stoomvaart Maatschappij Nederland (SMN) headquartered in Amsterdam the Netherlands. KPM serve scheduled regular shipping route for passengers and cargo between islands in the Dutch East Indies then more popular with the term as a post cruise between islands. KPM also play an important role to support and assist the colonial government in the process of penetration and pacification (conquest), especially in areas outside Java. On the other hand, PT PELNI established by the Indonesian government in the framework of the national development of a country that is still young, especially in the field of shipping. PELNI as well as KPM, also serves as centraal vervoersapparaat. Therefore, the government considers KPM c.q PELNI that dominate the cruise between islands in Indonesia are competitors and inhibitors of national development in the field of shipping. Post-transfer of sovereignity and the cancellation of the agreement KMB unilaterally by President Sukarno on May 3, 1956 resulted in the position of Dutch companies including KPM are at stake. This was exacerbated by the outbreak of the conflict between Indonesia and the Netherlands on Dutch New Guinea or West Papua, Indonesia implement the program so that the overall nationalization of the Dutch companies, including KPM.

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