scholarly journals On State Sovereignty and the Coming World Order

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-51
Author(s):  
A D Kerimov ◽  
E V Khalipova
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
The Status ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Military

The article is devoted to the consideration of a complex of problems relating to state sovereignty primarily of Russia and the future geopolitical world order. The authors proceed from the premise that in the conditions of globalization, which has won on a world scale, and the intensively developing processes of globalization, to preserve sovereignty, especially economic, no state is fully able to do so. The coming world order will be characterized by the existence and active activity on the international arena of three or four superpowers, possessing almost all the fullness of state sovereignty and in an extremely strict form dividing the territory of the globe and the global economy into spheres of influence. These states include the United States, China and, most likely, Russia. The fourth actor of this level can be that country that in the next 20-30 years will achieve the greatest success in the military and economic fields. All other countries will practically lose their state sovereignty (primarily economic and, as a consequence, its other kinds) and will be in one or the other, more or less, in a subordinate position in relation to the aforementioned powers.Russia will be able to maintain and consolidate its sovereignty, and again, along with the United States (in the near future, with the PRC and possibly another country), will gain the status of a superpower. But this will happen onlyif its ruling elite pulls out of its ranks numerous pro-Western, liberal-minded representatives of the «fifth column» and will become nationally oriented, nationally responsible and absolutely open. The authors hope that such self- purification of the ruling elite can occur bloodlessly.

The Anglo-American Worldview and the Question of World Order

2019 ◽  
pp. 175-190
Author(s):  
Andrew Gamble
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

One of the distinctive features of the idea of an Anglosphere has been a particular view of world order, based on liberal principles of free movement of goods, capital and people, representative government, and the rule of law, which requires a powerful state or coalition of states to uphold and enforce them. This chapter charts the roots as well as the limits of this conception in the period of British ascendancy in the nineteenth century, and how significant elements of the political class in both Britain and the United States in the twentieth century came to see the desirability of cooperation between the English-speaking nations to preserve that order against challengers. This cooperation was most clearly realised in the Second World War. The post-war construction of a new liberal world order was achieved under the leadership of the United States, with Britain playing a largely supportive but secondary role. Cooperation between Britain and the US flourished during the Cold War, particularly in the military and intelligence fields, and this became the institutional core of the ‘special relationship’. The period since the end of the Cold War has seen new challenges emerge both externally and internally to the Anglo-American worldview.

The Status of Scientific Activities in United States Biosphere Reserves

1983 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 231-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Goigel Turner ◽  
William P. Gregg
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Scientific Research ◽  
Biosphere Reserve ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ecological Research ◽  
Biosphere Reserves ◽  
Research Activities ◽  
The Status ◽  
Anthropogenic Threats ◽  
Almost All

The United States Biosphere Reserve network was begun in 1974, and currently numbers 38 sites. An investigation into the status of scientific activities in US Biosphere Reserves was conducted in 1981 to determine how well the network was meeting the multiple objectives of the Man and the Biosphere Programme. A survey questionnaire was administered to all US Biosphere Reserves, covering the adequacy of available data-bases, the types of research conducted, the perceived anthropogenic threats, funding, support, facilities, and educational programmes. Based on predominant management emphasis, Biosphere Reserves were designated as experimental or observational (i.e. conservational) for the purpose of analysis of the data.The results of our survey indicate that baseline scientific data, such as aerial photography, bibliographies, weather data, flora and fauna checklists and keys, and topographic maps, are generally available for most of the US Biosphere Reserves; environmental monitoring activities are more comprehensive than ecological research activities, but topic emphasis varies with the management's orientation of the Reserves. Experimentally-oriented Reserves tend to emphasize biological productivity, succession, silviculture, and forest restoration and management, while observationally-oriented Reserves tend towards descriptive studies.In almost all scientific activities, experimental Reserves were scored higher than observational (‘conservation’) Reserves in terms of general value; they have also received significantly more funding for scientific research. In all Reserves, most natural resources are considered to be effectively protected. Observational Reserves report a greater number of anthropogenic threats, including air and water pollution, exotic species, operations problems, resource removal, and visitor impacts; but they are addressing a greater proportion of these threats than are experimental Reserves. Most Reserves communicate natural history and other scientific information to the public, but many do not discuss MAB or its goals. Almost all the 38 US Biosphere Reserves are used for professional training and have basic support-facilities for field-work.Recommendations made for improving the effectiveness of US Biosphere Reserves include: strengthening communications among Reserves within the network; initiating more cooperative studies at all geographic levels; intensifying scientific research in observational (‘conservation’) Reserves; improving the status of ecological research on aquatic systems and soils, and at the ecosystem level in all Reserves; also designing studies which focus on Man as an integral part of the system and how Mankind might exist in improved concert with The Biosphere. The designation of a multiple-site Biosphere Reserve bearing the name of the biogeographic region in which it occurs, is now being used both to conserve a region's representative ecosystems and to foster cooperation among sites. We believe this is a workable approach and an important first step in implementing these recommendations regionally and, so far as they prove practicable, ultimately globally.

scholarly journals Responsibility to Protect dalam Kasus Genosida oleh ISIL terhadap Yazidi-Irak melalui Intervensi Militer Amerika Serikat

Jurnal ICMES ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-63
Author(s):  
Dewi Agha Putri ◽  
Hasan Sidik
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
The United States ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
International Commission ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Media Reports ◽  
United States Intervention ◽  
The Military

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan intervensi militer yang dilakukan oleh Amerika Serikat (AS) dalam menanggapi genosida yang dilakukan oleh Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) terhadap komunitas Yazidi di Irak. Peneliti menggunakan konsep Responsibility to Protect (R2P), yang merujuk pada laporan dari the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) u This article aims to explain the military intervention carried out by the United States in response to the genocide carried out by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) against Yazidi community in Iraq. The researchers use the concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), which refers to a report from the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty to see the procedure for procuring military intervention in the R2P framework in detail. This article found that besides several collateral damages, military intervention carried out by the United States was following the procedures set out by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty. The United States’ intervention was done by the Iraqi government's approval, which had previously requested assistance from the United States. This intervention can be seen as Iraqi collective self-defense as stated in Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations or intervention based on approval as stipulated in Article 20 of the Responsibility of States for International Wrongful Acts 2001. This research was conducted qualitatively using sources in the form of a variety of documents and mass media reports. ntuk melihat prosedur intervensi militer dalam kerangka kerja R2P secara terperinci. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa meskipun telah terjadi sejumlah dampak sampingan (collateral damages), intervensi militer yang dilakukan oleh AS mengikuti prosedur yang ditetapkan oleh ICISS, antara lain, dilakukan AS atas persetujuan pemerintah Irak yang sebelumnya meminta bantuan dari AS. Intervensi ini dapat dilihat sebagai pertahanan diri kolektif Irak sebagaimana tercantum dalam Piagam Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa Pasal 51 atau intervensi berdasarkan persetujuan sebagaimana diatur dalam Pasal 20 Responsibility of States for International Wrongful Acts tahun 2001. Penelitian ini dilakukan secara kualitatif dengan menggunakan sumber-sumber berupa berbagai dokumen dan laporan media massa.

scholarly journals China in Global Governance: Ideology, Theory, and Instrumentation

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 132-153
Author(s):  
Evgeny N. Grachikov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
The Past ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
Distribution Of Power

Over the past few years, the global political landscape has changed dramatically. Trump’s aggressive foreign policy has broken the precarious balance between the centers of world politics established in the past two decades. The U.S. trade war with China and accusations of creating COVID-19 have added a significant imbalance to the distribution of power in global governance. The current political global space is characterized by a tough struggle between the main centers of power for spheres of influence in macro regions, global power and redistribution of world incomes. In fact, it is a struggle for competition in setting the principles, norms and models of the future world order. Most of the developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America are distancing themselves from the West on many international issues, and advocating the creation of national concepts of world order (in “non-West,” “post-West,” “outside the West” formats), which would take into account the political and cultural traditions of their countries, and the specific experience of their interaction with neighboring states and the world as a whole. Thus, the competition in global governance between the United States and China is for a new global order, including influence on the vast Global South. This article offers an analysis of China’s strategy of global governance and Chinese academic discourse on this issue. The paper also examines China’s instrumentation for formatting its own structure of global governance and forms of strategic rivalry with the United States.

Part I United States, 1 The Rise and Fall of Lehman Brothers

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valukas Anton R ◽  
Byman Robert L ◽  
Murray Daniel R
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Lehman Brothers ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of

This chapter begins by introducing the history of the status of Lehman Brothers in the financial world. It discusses the ranking of Lehman Brothers and the revenues recorded in 2007 and contrasts that to the status of the company in the following year. The fall of Lehman, the chapter argues, nearly took with it the entire global economy. The chapter goes on to argue that even though the company’s fall was spectacularly rapid, Lehman’s rise before that was far more storied and measured. It presents thorough detail on the rise of Lehman Brothers from the beginnings when Henry Lehman emigrated from Rimpar in Germany to the United States in 1844 to the time of the company’s dramatic demise in 2008. The chapter asks: why did Lehman fail? There were many reasons, the text of this chapter argues, and the responsibility for that failure is shared.

Procedury karne w stosunku do żołnierzy sił zbrojnych Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz członków ich personelu cywilnego przebywających na terytorium Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

2019 ◽  
pp. 209-222
Author(s):  
Marek Centkowski
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Criminal Jurisdiction ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

The subject of this work is to clarify the issues of criminal jurisdiction set forth in articles 13-15 of the Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Poland and the Government of the United States of America regarding the status of the armed forces of the United States of America on the territory of the Republic of Poland of December 11, 2009 in Warsaw. The author simultaneously conducts analysis of the provisions in article VII NATO SOFA, a supplemental agreement between the Governments of Poland and the United States. In addition, memorandum of Understanding between the Minister of Justice of the Republic of Poland and the Command of the Armed Forces of the United States of America in Europe regarding foreign criminal jurisdiction, signed on October 23, 2014 in Warsaw is discussed. The memorandum specifies the provisions of the above-mentioned two international agreements, describing, among other things, how to proceed with American soldiers and members of their civilian staff as perpetrators of prohibited acts. Furthermore, this document contains templates for letters addressed to US military authorities, and Polish judicial authorities with respect to the priority of jurisdiction, as well as arrangements related to the performance of official duties by the perpetrator at the time of committing a prohibited act. The authorities that supervise or conduct preparatory proceedings against members of the United States forces and their civilian personnel are military prosecutors of the regional or the district prosecutor’s offices. The Police, on the other hand and Military Police are law enforcement agencies carrying out procedural activities at the scene and carryingout activities commissioned by the military prosecutor.

scholarly journals Realities and Strategies in Managing North Korea’s Nuclear Challenge

2016 ◽  
Vol 02 (04) ◽  
pp. 465-484
Author(s):  
Chung Kyung-Young
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
The Status ◽  
High Altitude Area ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Nuclear Warfare ◽  
The Military ◽  
The U.S

The nuclear program is arguably Kim Jong-un’s strategic fantasy and core asset for breaking the status quo in order to achieve a unified Korea. To cope with North Korea’s grave nuclear and missile threats, the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system needs to be deployed in South Korea for deterrence by denial. In the meantime, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) should not exclude the military option in the event of any further nuclear test and Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) launch experiment by North Korea. The U.S. government should consider redeploying tactical nuclear warheads to South Korea in order to make the extended deterrence more effective. The South Korean government should make it clear that the Republic of Korea (ROK) does not seek to join, nor will it be incorporated into, the U.S.-led missile defense system. The United States and China should cooperate with South Korea to take the lead in achieving a norm-oriented, nuclear-free, and unified Korea. In particular, ROK-U.S.-China strategic cooperation is essential to preventing any potential nuclear warfare and maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. South Korea, the United States and China should propose restructured negotiations on important issues that provide genuine incentives for Pyongyang, culminating in complete and verifiable denuclearization and a treaty that will end the tensions on the Peninsula. In addition, the trilateral cooperation needs to adopt a more proactive engagement policy to facilitate North Korea’s lasting transformation.

scholarly journals Peace Negotiations Cannot Be Held Forever: Breaking the Deadlock in the Armenia–Azerbaijan Conflict

2020 ◽  
pp. 99-109
Author(s):  
Farid Shafiyev ◽  
Vasif Huseynov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Medium Term ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Velvet Revolution ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Military

The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict resolution process had experienced insurmountable deadlock due to the failure of the peace negotiations brokered by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group, co-chaired by Russia, France, and the United States since the mid-1990s. The so-called Velvet Revolution of Armenia in 2018 was unable to deliver any progress, although a breakthrough was expected of, and promised by, the new leadership of the country. This, coupled with the constant provocations of the military and political leaders of Armenia, aggravated the conflict and led to the outbreak of an almost full-scale war on September 27, 2020. The war changed the status quo and created an environment for the negotiated resolution of the conflict following the establishment of a humanitarian ceasefire in Moscow. Armenia’s subsequent violations of the ceasefire regime by targeting Azerbaijani civilians have, however, demonstrated that peace is likely to remain an inaccessible dream of the region’s people in the short to medium term.

Of Empires and Citizens

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amaney A. Jamal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Arab World ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Status ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
People’S Attitudes

In the post-Cold War era, why has democratization been slow to arrive in the Arab world? This book argues that to understand support for the authoritarian status quo in parts of this region—and the willingness of its citizens to compromise on core democratic principles—one must factor in how a strong U.S. presence and popular anti-Americanism weakens democratic voices. Examining such countries as Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Palestine, and Saudi Arabia, the book explores how Arab citizens decide whether to back existing regimes, regime transitions, and democratization projects, and how the global position of Arab states shapes people's attitudes toward their governments. While the Cold War's end reduced superpower hegemony in much of the developing world, the Arab region witnessed an increased security and economic dependence on the United States. As a result, the preferences of the United States matter greatly to middle-class Arab citizens, not just the elite, and citizens will restrain their pursuit of democratization, rationalizing their backing for the status quo because of U.S. geostrategic priorities. Demonstrating how the preferences of an international patron serve as a constraint or an opportunity to push for democracy, the book questions bottom-up approaches to democratization, which assume that states are autonomous units in the world order. It contends that even now, with the overthrow of some autocratic Arab regimes, the future course of Arab democratization will be influenced by the perception of American reactions. Concurrently, the United States must address the troubling sources of the region's rising anti-Americanism.

Centralization in Hawaii: Retrospect and Prospect

1958 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman Meller
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Local Structure ◽  
The United States ◽  
Test Tube ◽  
Stone Age ◽  
Centrifugal Forces ◽  
Causative Factors ◽  
The Status ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy

The Hawaiian Islands, in Mark Twain's words “the loveliest fleet of Islands that lies anchored in any ocean,” offer more than a vista of sub-tropical splendor to the student of government. Hawaii presents also an extreme of centralized administration probably unequaled in any state on the mainland. The century prior to annexation by the United States saw the major islands of the Hawaiian archipelago come under the jurisdiction of a single government which rapidly underwent a metamorphosis from stone-age, native absolutism, through restricted constitutional monarchy, to the status of independent republic. “Adjustment rather than reorganization defines the change in government necessary when Hawaii entered the Union as a Territory.” Allowed by Congress almost all the powers of a state, and wide discretion in erecting its own local structure, the Territory chose to continue the concentrated administration which had characterized government throughout the century of independent rule. Only within the last few years has this centralization been shaken by the introduction of challenging centrifugal forces. Today, Hawaii affords the prospect of an ocean-girt test tube in which can be observed the interplay of these new formative forces with the old causative factors of centripetal tendency; the end product may be a decentralized administration more on the model of the mainland.

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