scholarly journals Populismo, Democracia e a Constituição na Venezuela / Populism, Democracy and the Constitution in Venezuela

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Alberto Antunes de Miranda
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Complex Traits ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Hugo Chavez ◽  
The Military

Resumo:O presente artigo tem como objetivo identificar o populismo, a democracia e a constituição na Venezuela. A Venezuela, por ser um país que tradicionalmente estruturava sua ação na construção da democracia representativa, na defesa da liberdade e na consolidação da integração hemisférica,passou a desenvolver, com a chegada ao poder de Hugo Chavez Frias, um marcante perfil ideológico. Dos anos cinquenta até os oitenta, ainda que tenha predominado um sistema centrista dominado por partidos e dirigentes políticos de centro, os militares exerciam uma participação indireta nas questões de Estado. No final dos anos 90, se observa que o sistema político assumiu características complexas, com a presença do Estado cada vez mais refletida na centralização do Executivo, o excessivo personalismo político do Chefe de Estado e o envolvimento de militares no sistema político, refletindo nas instituições venezuelanas.Palavras-chave: Política externa; Venezuela.; Atores; Processo decisório. Abstract:This article aims to identify populism and the fragility of democratic institutions in Venezuela. Venezuela, as a country that traditionally structured its action in the construction of a representative democracy, in defense of freedom and the consolidation of integration in the hemisphere, began to develop, with the coming to power of Hugo Chavez Frias, a remarkable ideological profile. From the fifties to the eighties, although the country was dominated by a centrist system with political parties and leaders of the center, the military exerted an indirect interest in matters of state. In the late 90s we observe that the political system became a complex traits, with the presence of the State increasingly reflected in the centralization of the Executive, excessive political personalism of the Head of State and the involvement of the military in the political system, reflecting in the Venezuelan institutions.Keywords: Foreign policy; Venezuela; Actors; Decision making.

Internal variables affecting Iraqi political decision-making after the year 2003

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political System ◽  
Internal Variables ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Decision Making

The research aims to study the internal variables affecting the political system, namely the constitution, national and federal identity, and political parties. The research concluded that Iraq is going through severe political crises, which are: 1.The permanent Iraqi constitution of 2005 still carries multiple problems, the most important of which is the relationship between the center and the region, with the existence of quotas and consensus, and they are the basis for the failure of effective Iraqi political decision-making, and the absence of a social contract 2.The existence of chaos of political parties and the domination of large blocs in decision-making, which led to the marginalization of minorities and the loss of their rights. Keywords:occupation; decision – making ; Internal variables; federalism; Political quota

Political Parties and Corruption: Reflections on the Italian Case

Modern Italy ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
Italian Case ◽  
Political Decision Making

Political corruption can be considered as a means by which money influences politics. In the classic studies the causes of corruption have usually been identified in the characteristics of the principal actor in the political system: the party. Samuel Huntington, in particular, has linked the development of corruption to party weakness during phases of growing political participation. Corruption spreads in those specific paths to modernization in which popular participation in political decision-making is not immediately accompanied by a strengthening of those institutions, such as political parties, which should filter and direct collective demands: ‘the weaker and less accepted the political parties, the greater the likelihood of corruption’.

Competitive Transition to Civilian Rule: Nigeria's First and Second Experiments

1989 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Koehn
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Political System ◽  
Third World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Single Individual ◽  
The Third ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Military

Few Decisions exert a greater impact upon the polity and the pattern of public policy-making than those defining the nature of the political system itself. Transitions from military to civilian rule constitute a dramatic type of institutional change which is encountered with increasing frequency in the Third World. One type of ‘planned withdrawal’ initially involes little alteration in the distribution of power. This approach, which has been employed in Zaïre and Ethiopia, typically yields new nomenclature – for example, the military ruler assumes the title of civilian head of state – and a political structure dominated by a single individual and/or party, closely tied to the same ideology embraced by the military predecessors.

scholarly journals Mechanisms of Representation

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Jennings
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Political System ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Regulatory State ◽  
The Public

“Mechanisms of representation” relate to the organization of politics and its consequences, and the processes through which interests or preferences are represented in the political system and the outcomes of public policy. This article explores a diverse set of mechanisms through which politics is organized, and through which the preferences or interests of the public, voters, groups, and economic interests are either advanced or obstructed. Traditional approaches of political science often adopted a narrow focus on the formal democratic qualities of elected government and the pluralism of the political system in incorporating different interests or preferences into the decision-making process and policy outcomes. Later waves of research sought to explore bias in mechanisms of representation, such as the disproportionate influence of interest groups in the governmental process and the power of agenda setting in determining which issues make it onto the decision-making table and when. Nevertheless, there continues to be considerable interest in the role of formal political institutions in determining the performance of representative democracy, how political parties act as vehicles for representation, and how elections can provide mandates to governments and enable voters to reward or punish political parties or candidates for the quality of their representation or performance. Indeed, a growing field of enquiry identifies a direct link between the preferences of the public and their representatives, either in the representation of constituency opinion or in the responsiveness of the political system as a whole. Despite this pervasive concern throughout the discipline of political science with the functioning of democratic politics, important changes in modern states, economies, and societies occurring outside elected institutions also shape representation, particularly as executive governance and politics has assumed increasing importance. The conventional understanding of mechanisms of representation is built upon shifting sands, with the emergence of the “regulatory state” and the decline of traditional distributive and command activities of government, and with ever more “networked,” “nonhierarchical,” and “transnational” modes of governing—often by unelected authorities. These changing institutional arrangements also reflect a response to the rise of risk as a focus of organization, as traditional social and economic cleavages are redrawn and reconstructed around questions of risk—often manmade, created through scientific innovation or economic progress. These changes point toward the changing battleground for representation both of public and political interests and the increasing importance of understanding questions of bureaucratic politics and control, transnational regulation, the management of risk, and the preoccupation of officeholders with the avoidance of blame. Mechanisms of representation shed light on all these things and more, encompassing the role of institutions in reflecting public or private interests in the decision-making process.

scholarly journals Political Parties and Their Role in the Systems of Government

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Vait Qerimi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Sciences ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Dynamic Forces ◽  
The Government

In modern democracies, political parties have a very important political role. The existence of political parties is vital for the functioning of democracy. Political parties remain the cornerstone of the systems of government, and without their presence and operation, it is impossible to talk about the system and democratic institutions. Governance in a democracy means to and through political parties. Political parties and competition between them create the political system. Political parties constitute the central object of political sciences and they are almost always the main protagonists in the political systems. They undoubtedly represent the political power and the motor of parliamentarianism. Through the parliamentary action, the political parties build and operate the entire state structure of a state, regarding the functioning of parliament, the government, the head of state, to the local government bodies and other political institutions. Political parties are the socially dynamic forces representing one of the most significant achievements of democracy. This is well-argued with their very central role and crucial importance of the parties.

scholarly journals REFLECTIONS OT THE OHRID FRAMEWORK AGREEMENT ON THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF NORTH MACEDONIA

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Flakron Bexheti
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Political System ◽  
Time Frame ◽  
The Political ◽  
Framework Agreement ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Scientific Analysis ◽  
University Level ◽  
The Military

In this study, we will focus on the Ohrid Agreement that derived from a peaceful conference which put an end to the armed conflict in Macedonia in 2001. We will also approach the causes that led to the conflict, the circumstances created that caused this inter-ethnic military clash, the deadlock of the implementation of the Agreement, within the time frame envisaged in that agreement itself, the attitude of the Albanian and Macedonian political parties towards the Ohrid Framework Agreement and the contribution of the international political factor, which provided their contribution to the achievement of this Agreement from the position of facilitators. A lot has been written and said about this agreement, since its endorsement; numerous comprehensive analyzes have been carried out in various scientific conferences, debate-shave been held at university level and many paper-shave been published in different journals and conference proceedings by various different authors, who expressed their thoughts theoretically, scientifically and empirically, based on their arguments which they claimed were objective and real. I believe that the main cause of the non-implementation of this agreement or the prolongation of its implementation for more than e decade, is the result of the lack of a proper scientific analysis of the genesis of the military conflict between the two largest communities in Macedonia, namely between the Macedonian military and police forces and the NLA.

Influence, Power, and the Policy Process: The Case of Franz Ferdinand, 1906–1914

1974 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 417-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel R. Williamson
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Decision Making Processes ◽  
The Military

The death of Franz Ferdinand at Sarajevo galvanized the Habsburg monarchy into its most fateful decision: the initiation of local war against Serbia. His demise, among other things, ensured Berlin's fidelity to its alliance commitment, convinced (mistakenly) the decision-makers in Vienna that monarchical solidarity would keep Russia in check, and allowed the Hungarians to breathe more easily. But the heir apparent's death may also have had an importance generally overlooked in analyzing the crisis of July 1914.1 Put simply, his disappearance suddenly altered the decision-making processes of the Habsburg monarchy. The elaborate consultative procedures involving the archduke, his military chancellery, and advisers were abruptly terminated. No longer did the joint ministers, the national ministers, the military hierarchy or the emperor's court officials have to consider the archduke and his strong, often peaceful, views on foreign policy. Even Franz Joseph was now spared the irritation of having to explain a decision to his insistent nephew. Sarajevo thus not only supplied the occasion for Vienna's decision for war, it helped, by drastically revising the political process, to accelerate that decision.

scholarly journals POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION OF TURKEY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE REFERENDUM ON 16 APRIL

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-180
Author(s):  
D. B. MALYSHEVA
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Conflict Zone ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Syrian Conflict ◽  
The Military

The article deals with the peculiarities of the transformation of  Turkey in the sphere of internal and foreign policy in the light of the  referendum held on April 16, 2017 on the issue of the extension of  powers of the head of state. The preconditions and consequences of  the transition of Turkey from a parliamentary political system to a presidential one are analyzed, as well as the problem of stability of  the internal political situation in the republic in the conditions of the economic crisis, the unresolved Kurdish problem, the increase  of terrorist threat. In the article the changes in the positioning of Turkey in the international arena appeared after the referendum,  in particular in the relations with the European Union which Turkey  has tried to join for a long time are revealed. Special attention is  paid to the international and political activity of Turkey in the Middle East region and in the Syrian conflict zone where the military  confrontation sparked the activation of radical Islamist movements  and terrorist structures. The evolution of the Turkish approaches to the crisis in Syria is analyzed, the role of Turkey which with Russia  and Iran has become a guarantor of peaceful settlement  within the framework of Astana process is estimated. Based on the  analysis of the peculiarities of the transformation of Turkey as a  regional power a conclusion is made about the postreferendum continuity of the political course in the sphere of internal and foreign policy and that within the framework of the  presidential political system developing in the republic one can  expect greater dynamics in the adoption of economic, political and  international solutions.

The Effect of Political Parties on Nationwide Referendums in Poland after 1989

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 733-754
Author(s):  
Maciej Hartliński
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

This article is part of the special cluster titled Political Parties and Direct Democracy in Eastern Europe, guest-edited by Sergiu Gherghina. The article is the first attempt to describe and compare five nationwide referendums in Poland after 1989 as tools of direct democracy exploited by political parties. The article makes two primary contributions to the literature. The explanation focuses on the circumstances as well as the two main motives of the referendum initiators, that is, to cause trouble for political opponents and strengthen one’s own position by legitimising one’s own proposals concerning the political system and foreign policy directions. Moreover, the article discusses six methods employed by political parties to use the institution of nationwide referendum for their own political purposes. Interestingly, the Polish example shows that nationwide referendums have twofold effects for their initiators. On the one hand, they allow political parties to effectively realise the aims behind the initiated referendum. On the other hand, both political parties (1996, 1997, 2003) and presidents (1996 and 2015) sustained defeats in the next parliamentary or presidential elections.

Polish-Ukrainian Treaty of Good Neighbourhood. Analysis of the decision-making process

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 193-219
Author(s):  
Beata Surmacz
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
The Game Theory ◽  
Neighbourhood Analysis ◽  
Formed Part ◽  
Intellectual Elites

2022 marks the 30th anniversary of the Treaty of Good Neighbourhood, Friendly Relations, and Cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. In the presented article, by applying elements of decision analysis, an attempt was made to explain the decision to conclude the Treaty. First, the decision-making centres in Poland and Ukraine, and their awareness with respect to Polish-Ukrainian relations, were presented as three separate circles: public opinion, political parties, and groups of the most important decision-makers. The decision to sign the treaty was possible thanks to the political and intellectual elites who originated in the former communist-era opposition, both in Poland and Ukraine. Those elites convinced the governing circles to accept their conception of foreign policy. In Poland, this was all the easier because people originating directly from those elites formed part of the decision-making bodies. In Ukraine, however, the foreign policy conception of the dissident circles was internalised by the President. Secondly, using the game theory and assuming the rationality of decision-makers, the decision-making process was reconstructed, understood in the category of interactions between two decision-making centres. The two states aimed to conclude a treaty that would satisfy both parties. It can thus be concluded that they demonstrated a readiness to compromise during the negotiations. It can also be assumed that this readiness was slightly asymmetrical in Poland’s favour. Ukraine was willing to sacrifice much more in order for the treaty to be negotiated.

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