BOLESŁAW BREZHGÓ AS HISTORIAN OF THE LATGALIAN PEASANTRY

Author(s):  
Alexander Lisov

The article shows the evolution of changes in the assessment of the personality of the historian Bolesław Brezhgó. He retained the principled positions of an objective scientist throughout his biography, despite the change in political and ideological attitudes. His active scientific work took place in the conditions of changing political regimes and doctrines for about 40 years, first in Belarus, and then in Latvia. The position of the scientist can be presented apolitical, but he repeatedly tried to cooperate in the cultural and scientific programs of national organizations throughout this time.Brezhgó witnessed and participated in the complex process of the formation of the Latvian statehood and the Latgalian national movement. He did not refuse proposals to publish his works. His objectivity was based on the rejection of the way to use the results of his own research for conjunctural, political purposes. Bolesław Brezhgó proceeded from the idea that historical material should form problems. It is necessary to raise questions that follow from this material. He did not try to analyze the material for uncharacteristic problems.

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 361-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norig Neveu

Abstract In the Emirate of Transjordan, the interwar period was marked by the emergence of the Melkite Church. Following the Eastern rite and represented by Arab priests, this church appeared to be an asset from a missionary perspective as Arab nationalism was spreading in the Middle East. New parishes and schools were opened. A new Melkite archeparchy was created in the Emirate in 1932. The archbishop, Paul Salman, strengthened the foundation of the church and became a key partner of the government. This article tackles the relationship between Arabisation, nationalisation and territorialisation. It aims to highlight the way the Melkite Church embodied the adaptation strategy of the Congregation for the Oriental Churches in Transjordan. The clergy of this national church was established by mobilising regional and international networks. By considering these clerics as go-between experts, this article aims to decrypt a complex process of territorialisation and transnationalisation of the Melkite Church.


Author(s):  
Dmitry Shumsky

This introductory chapter discusses the unquestioned identification between “Zionism” as a national movement that sought to realize the Jewish nation's self-determination in Palestine, and “the Jewish nation-state,” which has no room for the national collective existence of any particular national group other than the Jews and which represents the ultimate and teleological realization of the Zionist project. The vast majority of those who support the two-state solution, who are known as the “Zionist left,” base their position on the need to avoid the formation of a binational state in which the Jewish demographic majority would be endangered. They argue that this is the way to rescue what they consider to be the political core of the Zionist idea: a mono-national state for the Jewish political collective.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-79
Author(s):  
Serhii Svitlenko

The relevance of this topic is seen in the fact that its study provides an opportunity to deepen the understanding of the underdeveloped problem of perpetuating the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko – a symbol of the Ukrainian nation's struggle for social and national freedom as an important factor in opposing the imperial regime. Tsarism by methods of ideological, gendarmerie-police, censorship pressure in every way prevented the activation of conscious Ukrainians in the early twentieth century. The aim of the study is to study the perpetuation of the memory of Taras Shevchenko in the Ukrainian national movement of the Dnieper region in the early twentieth century. The results of the article are that based on the study of archival and published documents, journalistic materials of the press and memoirs, various methods of legal and illegal activity of the Ukrainian national movement in preserving the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko were reconstructed. It is emphasized that the progressive public widely celebrated the 40th anniversary of Kobzar's death in the press. In the early twentieth century Ukrainian activists raised the issue of erecting a monument to Shevchenko, continued the tradition of visiting the tomb of the Ukrainian poet, tried to perpetuate his memory in toponymy, participated in Shevchenko's memorial services, resorted to illegal gatherings in honor of Kobzar, mentioned him during meetings and communication in among the intelligentsia. The originality and scientific novelty of the article in the production and development of insufficiently researched plot on historical Shevchenko studies, actualization and conceptualization of various concrete-historical material. Conclusions were made on various forms and methods of struggle to preserve the memory of Taras Shevchenko, which contributed to the establishment of national consciousness among Ukrainians, strengthened the political tendency in the Ukrainian national movement.


The article focuses on identifying contradictions of functionalist oriented sociological thought, which accumulates various tendencies that determine the ways and styles of sociological theorizing. In particular, an analysis of the link between the life and creative biography of Tolcott Parsons as one of the founders of structural functionalism, their influence on the way and style of his sociological thinking. From the point of view of the authors of the article, T. Parsons' autobiography suggests that the liberal way of thinking was natural to the American scientist. It is this method that has found its adequate reflection in his scientific work and determined the thinking style of one of the most prominent representatives of structural functionalism. It is emphasized that, in response to the accusations of violating the "balance between succession and opportunism" in his "intellectual history", T. Parsons raised questions that did not resolve this contradiction but significantly exacerbated it. Similar situations are classified by a number of intellectuals as schizophrenic in the culture of late capitalism. But they have their logic, based on the rules of which theorists offer different ways of getting out of contradictory social situations that provide temporary success, while creating the effect of their delayed exacerbation. It is emphasized that in the works of T. Parsons the contradiction between “social” and “societal” is realized but not resolved, where “societal” requires development and “social” requires order. It is proved that the functionalist style of sociological thinking creates the illusion of the possibility of its solution by the method of undeclared refusal to develop in the name of order, which, in turn, leads to a radical rejection of the principle of rationalism.


Author(s):  
Daniel Toscano López

This chapter seeks to show how the society of the digital swarm we live in has changed the way individuals behave to the point that we have become Homo digitalis. These changes occur with information privatization, meaning that not only are we passive consumers, but we are also producers and issuers of digital communication. The overarching argument of this reflection is the disappearance of the “reality principle” in the political, economic, and social spheres. This text highlights that the loss of the reality principle is the effect of microblogging as a digital practice, the uses of which can either impoverish the space of people's experience to undermine the public space or achieve the mobilization of citizens against of the censorship of the traditional means of communication by authoritarian political regimes, such as the case of the Arab Spring in 2011.


2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (17) ◽  
pp. 3285-3289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald D. Vale

Evaluation of scientific work underlies the process of career advancement in academic science, with publications being a fundamental metric. Many aspects of the evaluation process for grants and promotions are deeply ingrained in institutions and funding agencies and have been altered very little in the past several decades, despite substantial changes that have taken place in the scientific work force, the funding landscape, and the way that science is being conducted. This article examines how scientific productivity is being evaluated, what it is rewarding, where it falls short, and why richer information than a standard curriculum vitae/biosketch might provide a more accurate picture of scientific and educational contributions. The article also explores how the evaluation process exerts a profound influence on many aspects of the scientific enterprise, including the training of new scientists, the way in which grant resources are distributed, the manner in which new knowledge is published, and the culture of science itself.


1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 96-98
Author(s):  
MH Haldary ◽  
Asgar Hossain ◽  
Md Iqbal Bari

Teaching is a highly complex process. The medical teaching is more complex and difficult. There are certain basic skills of teaching e.g. the way the teacher presents lecture, use various teaching media, use of basic questionnaire and motivation etc. Besides these basic skills there are certain microskills of teaching. These are explaining, introductory procedure, closures and advanced questioning. Out of these microskills, explaining is the most important and powerful skill. Explaining has some components; e.g. clarity, fluency of language, use of illustration, variation of voice manners, structuring statements and finally obtaining feedback. Every medical teacher should use these microskills in the lecture room for effective teaching. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/taj.v14i2.8397 TAJ 2001; 14(2): 96-98


Author(s):  
L. Mohylnyi ◽  
O. Liashchenko

At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th century the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Hrygoryi Kostantynovych Holoskevych. He worked at the Petersburg publishing house ''Drukar'' until 1917, then, in August 1917, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Central Rada and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Holoskevych have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of H. Holoskevych's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Holoskevych came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of H. Holoskevych's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD), which sought to restore the UPR. In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including H. Holoskevych, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Florinela Popa

This paper mainly investigates the way Beethoven’s image was turned, during the totalitarian political regimes of twentieth-century Romania, into a tool of propaganda. Two such ideological annexations are striking: one took place in the period when Romania, as Germany’s ally during World War II and led by Marshall Ion Antonescu, who was loyal to Adolf Hitler, to a certain extent copied the Nazi model (1940–1944); the other, much longer, began when Communists took power in 1947 and lasted until 1989, with some inevitable continuations. The beginnings of contemporary Romanian capitalism in the 1990s brought, in addition to an attempt to depoliticize Beethoven by means of professional, responsible musicological enquiries, no longer grounded in Fascist or Communist ideologies, another type of approach: sensationalist, related to the “identification” of some of Beethoven’s love interests who reportedly lived on the territory of present-day Romania.


2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 48-56
Author(s):  
Avraham Burg

This article argues for an unorthodox reading of Israel's current political situation. Rather than examine the immediate results of the March 2015 elections, it lays out the ramifications of the country's current predicament in light of the complex relations between the Jewish majority and Palestinian Arab minority. The author contends that despite the seeming stranglehold that extremist nationalism exerts on the political process, there is true potential for Palestinian citizens of Israel (PCI) to gain full and equal citizenship, on a par with that of their Jewish counterparts. He argues further that the PCI may be poised to lead the Palestinian national movement in advancing a political resolution to the conflict with Israel.


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