scholarly journals FEATURES OF THE STATE INNOVATION POLICY OF THE BALTIC STATES: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS AND DEVELOPMENT DIRECTIONS

Author(s):  
D. Dziavgo ◽  
M. Savic
Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (105)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Vladislav Vorotnikov

The article examines the structure of national historical mythology of the Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) with an emphasis on the foreign policy dimension based on the analysis of their issues of the postage stamps. Since issuing of the postage stamps is a product of consensus between the state and civil society, their topics and images presented on them, on the one hand, may be considered as a part of the semiotic model of the state image, thus reflecting its stance on processes, events, phenomena or personalities of the past and the present and, accordingly, shaping, transforming or supporting a certain nation-forming mythology or state ideology; on the other hand, they reflect mass perceptions of the dominant national historical narrative, and often the priorities of contemporary politics. Due to the specifics of the Baltic states’ history and the dominant values and ideology of their political class, the mainstream historical narrative is inevitably turned outward, that makes the analysis of its main elements extremely operational in the study of their strategic cultures. The article proposes the author's attitude to categorizing and highlighting the main chronological and thematic elements of the arrays of postage stamps of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia from 1990 to 2020. On the basis of discourse and selective iconographic analysis, the key elements of national historical narratives and their coherence with the foreign political positioning and strategies of the Baltic states are identified and analyzed. A comparative analysis of the three country cases allows us to pinpoint their relative proximity as well as some specific features.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadežda Semjonova

AbstractThe present paper applies recently developed consolidated indicator of the state financial security to the situation in Baltic States and some EU countries. The indicator summarises a number of economic and financial parameters relevant to the financial independence of the country. The resulting indicator demonstrates a reasonable correlation with sovereign Fitch rating both for Baltic States and the “old” EU countries, but Fitch rating gives more optimistic evaluation for old EU countries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Pavel Vorobyev

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of holding Russian elections in neighboring countries. Using the example of the Russian presidential elections in 2018 in Belarus, Moldova and the Baltic states, the results of voting, the peculiarities of the organization of the expression of will and the final turnout are analyzed. Based on quantitative and qualitative data, as well as comparative analysis, measures are proposed to improve the process of foreign voting in Russian elections.


Author(s):  
Irina Pilvere ◽  
Aija Pilvere-Javorska ◽  
Baiba Rivza

Stock market is alternative place to bank lending for company’s finance and contributor to economic development. Baltic States is market, which traditionally is perceived as one, however it is comprised of 3 separate stock markets. Research aim was to conduct comparative analysis of stock market development performance post-recession in the Baltic States.. In order to perform analysis, number of listed companies, their market capitalization and structure in Baltic States were analyzed and also compared to main economic indicators structure in 2008-2018 6 months. The main research methods are: analysis, synthesis, the logical construction method, the induction and deduction methods, as well as time series analysis. Authors have determined main stock market performance indicators and compared stock market indicators structure with Baltic region’s economic structure. Research results indicates that number of listed companies had increased only in Estonia, also market capitalization there had experienced their value to more than double in analyzed period. In Lithuania number of companies had declined, while market capitalization the growth was slower when compared to in Estonia, while more linear. In turn, stock market capitalization and number of listed companies in Latvia were declining in 2008-2018 6 months. Overall number of listed companies in Baltic States was decreasing, while their market capitalization is increasing, but still is only 60% of value it was in pre-recession year 2007. In Estonia and in Lithuania average listed companies are larger in size, when compared to in Latvia. Size of average listed companies on stock market in Estonia and in Lithuania more than doubled in size, while in Latvia it showed insignificant growth. Stock market indicators’ structure had insignificant deviations from the main economic indicator structure in 2008, while in 6 months 2018 dynamics in Latvia stock market parameters had dropped in the structure among all 3 Baltic States. Overall, in Latvia stock market is lagging behind, when compared to one in Estonia and in Lithuania in analyzed period, thus all 3 Baltic States has had asymmetrical recovery and development speed post-recession.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timofey Agarin

Strong civil society provides individuals with arenas to bring their interests to the attention of policymakers. In so doing, civil society organizations (CSOs) can support state policies, but can also criticize policies. This paper argues that most minority rights advocacy CSOs in the Baltic states have little say in the crafting of policy and are compartmentalized into the existing agendas, with only a few groups able to evaluate policies independently. It concludes that the Baltic civil society is weak because the CSOs working on minority issues ask policymakers either too much, or too little. The findings suggest that policymakers quell criticism of their work from the side of the CSOs by ignoring their activities. Alternatively, by funding the CSO that shores up the state agenda, policymakers delegate their responsibilities to civic actors, keep critical voices from public debates and claim that their policies have the full support of a vibrant civil society. This paper investigates the options available for civil society actors to relate to policymakers in a nationalizing state by drawing on the data collected in 77 semi-structured interviews with the CSOs working with Russian and Polish minorities in the Baltic states between 2006 and 2009.


2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-150
Author(s):  
Svaja Vansauskas Worthington

The usually cheerful Insight Travel Guide to the Baltic States offers this synopsis of the Baltic situation:Their independence was sentenced to death by the Nazi–Soviet Pact [the secret 1939 Molotov–Ribbentrop Non-Aggression Pact] just before World War II. The pact envisaged the Baltic States would be parceled out between them, but it was overtaken by events with Hitler's invasion of the Soviet Union. The three states were incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1940 … Among few other people did the Soviet mill grind finer than in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania … The final injustice was the permanent imposition of Soviet rule and Stalinist terror. Anyone a visitor meets today in the Baltics is likely to have a relation who was sent to Siberia or simply shot.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-175
Author(s):  
Gediminas Rudis

The paper rejects a viewpoint prevalent among Lithuanian historians that the first government of the Republic of Lithuania, led by Augustinas Voldemaras, did not recognize the danger of Russia and was not concerned with the security of the state. Research shows that the government was fully conscious of the international situation of Lithuania and expected efficient diplomatic and military support from the Allies to counter Russian aggression. The orientation to the Allied powers was well-grounded, but too little attention was paid to the mobilization of the internal resources for the defence of the country. That was probably the most crucial drawback of the activity of Voldemaras’ government. Such a conclusion can reasonably be drawn if one takes into account the fact that at that time the Allied powers had not yet defined their policy with respect to the Baltic states.


Baltic Region ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 60-73
Author(s):  
Valentina Yu. Smorgunova ◽  
Аleksandra А. Dorskaya ◽  
Tatyana V. Tolstukhina

In this article, we carry out a comparative analysis of the legal regimes for church property in the Baltic States and in Russia after the demise of the USSR,. We stress the significance of this problem for the newly established relations between the state and the religious organisations, for the conclusion of agreements between these actors, and for the development of the ideas of interdenominational peace and intergovernmental relations. In this study, we aim at identifying the similarities and differences between the legal regulation of the state/denomination relations regarding church property, as well as the economic component of these relations. We analyse the regulatory documents of Russia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia that enshrine the transfer (return) of the church property, which was seized illegally in the first Soviet years in Russia and during the incorporation of the Baltic republics into the USSR, to the religious organisations. We compare the restitution, which was carried out in the Baltics, with Russia’s moderate approach to the transfer of religious objects to religious organisations. We conclude that the international factor affects the resolution of the church property issue and that the economic benefits of the property transfer are unclear. The transfer of the church property is associated with additional expenditure incurred by the state. In conclusion, we consider the reasons why the complete transfer (return) of the church property seized in the Soviet period is impossible.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (514) ◽  
pp. 49-54
Author(s):  
O. A. Dovgal ◽  
◽  
G. V. Dovgal ◽  

The article carries out a comparative analysis of innovative models of development of some countries of South and North America on the example of Brazil, Chile and Mexico, taking into account three components ? science, business communities and the State whose experience can be used by other countries, including Ukraine, in the formation of national innovation policy. It is proved that Brazil’s economy demonstrates the highest rates of modernization and economic development in South America through the introduction of foreign innovations first into large companies, and later – into small innovative enterprises. It is substantiated that the peculiarity of the innovative development of Chile’s economy is the expansion of training of specialists through the system of foreign internships and training of a growing number of students abroad with the further formation of startup commands from domestic specialists who have gained theoretical knowledge and practical experience abroad. It is identified that the innovative model of development of Mexico’s economy is implemented through to the increased interest of the State, aimed at stimulating large companies to implement innovative technologies based on significant amounts of budget expenditures on R&D. It is concluded that macro-economic and foreign economic indicators of the economies of Brazil, Chile and Mexico show the growth of the pace of innovation development of these countries, which characterizes them as potentially strong players on the international stage.


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