scholarly journals Civil War in Karelian Regions of Russia: Challenges and Opportunities of Research

Author(s):  
Marina Vituhnovskaja-Kauppala

The paper is concerned with the history and historiography of the Civil War in Karelian regions of the Russian North-West (1918–1922). Karelians were at the epicenter of the influence of several political and armed forces and they were compelled to choose a line of political behavior. The main part of the population of North Karelia (Viena Karjala region) has chosen a strategy of self-isolation and the quasi-nation building strategy, which was not viable.

2018 ◽  
pp. 1149-1162
Author(s):  
Konstantin N. Kurkov ◽  
◽  
Alexander V. Melnichuk ◽  

The article studies some of the more complicated and sensitive issues of the Civil War in the South of Russia – relations of the Armed Forces of South Russia with the Krai governments of the Don and the Kuban and separatist movements as an important factor in the Whites’ defeat in the South of Russia. Both issues are covered in ‘Defamation of the White Movement,’ one of the last works of General A. I. Denikin. Its manuscript has been introduced into scientific use by the authors. Commanders and military authorities of the Volunteer Army with A. I. Denikin at its head were not tied down by regional interests and could pursue national interests in their policy in order to restore an all-Russian unity destroyed by the revolution. Regional concerns of the Don, Kuban, Little Russian, Caucasian independentists were in direct conflict with the national tasks that the Volunteer Army and the Armed Forces of South Russia strove to solve. Unlike the Don Ataman P. N. Krasnov, who was forced to cooperate with the occupation authorities of Imperial Germany, whose troops had occupied the territory of the Great Don Army for the most of 1918, and unlike other regional administrators in the German-occupied territories, the Whites did not cooperate with the occupiers and at times counteracted their anti-Russian policy. Denikin's propaganda successfully used this fact to fall back on traditional patriotic sentiments and to eat away at the Kremlin regime’s support. Centrifugal tendencies in the South of Russia did not allow the Volunteers to consolidate anti-Bolshevik forces and made an armed resistance to the Bolsheviks impossible. Hence A. I. Denikin’s uncompromising stand on separatist aspirations of independentists. In his view, it was the separatists’ activities in different regions of the former Russian Empire that hindered the successful offensive of the armed forces of South Russia, for instance, on the Moscow direction. Internal dissent was exacerbated by intervention of foreign forces – German occupation forces, the Allied Intervention, and active Bolshevik influence on the outskirts of the former Empire. The article compares Denikin’s text with testimonies of contemporaries and writings of historians. Thus, the authors have been able to show that his slender work reliably and accurately recreates the complex and dramatic situation, which led to the defeat of the anti-Bolshevik forces in the Civil War.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 245-264
Author(s):  
Andrey Ganin

The document published is a letter from the commander of the Kiev Region General Abram M. Dragomirov to the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces in the South of Russia General Anton I. Denikin of December, 1919. The source covers the events of the Civil War in Ukraine and the views of the leadership of the White Movement in the South of Russia on a number of issues of policy and strategy in Ukraine. The letter was found in the Hoover Archives of Stanford University in the USA in the collection of Lieutenant General Pavel A. Kusonsky. The document refers to the period when the white armies of the South of Russia after the bright success of the summer-autumn “March on Moscow” in 1919 were stopped by the Red Army and were forced to retreat. On the pages of the letter, Dragomirov describes in detail the depressing picture of the collapse of the white camp in the South of Russia and talks about how to improve the situation. Dragomirov saw the reasons for the failure of the White Movement such as, first of all, the lack of regular troops, the weakness of the officers, the lack of discipline and, as a consequence, the looting and pogroms. In this regard, Dragomirov was particularly concerned about the issue of moral improvement of the army. Part of the letter is devoted to the issues of the civil administration in the territories occupied by the White Army. Dragomirov offers both rational and frankly utopian measures. However, the thoughts of one of the closest Denikin’s companions about the reasons what had happened are interesting for understanding the essence of the Civil War and the worldview of the leadership of the anti-Bolshevik Camp.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 265-272
Author(s):  
Vladislav Goldin ◽  
Flera Sokolova ◽  
Alexander Shaparov

CIVIL WAR AND INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION IN THE RUSSIAN NORTH: A CRITICAL REVIEW OF THE BOOK BY AN ISRAELI HISTORIAN


Unity Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Anand Sing Bhat

Some of the theories of nation building have been dedicated to the study of link between nation and nationalism; others are attributed to explore nation building, state building, social integration, national integration and even conflict transformation during various historical periods. However, nation building is a normative concept used by academicians and nation builders alike to study the role of armed forces in nation building in recent times. Although research has conducted on ethnicity and nation building in Nepal, a little is known about application of theoretical perspective to explore the role of Nepali Army in nation building. Apparently, this article argues that the level of theoretical awareness of academicians and nation builders needs improvement and multiple theories of nation building are relevant to explore the role of Nepali Army in nation building during various enclaves of Nepali nation. Important issues like what are the relevant theories in Nepali context to analyse nation building? Their implication during the historical times to study the link of Nepali Army with nation building needs to be studied. Hence, this paper comparatively examines a nation building theories and their relevant implications during various enclaves of Nepali nation particularly applauding the role on Nepali Army. Conceptual framework based on Saunder's Research Onion Peeled (2007) method was used with qualitative design in a way of inductive approach to conduct the research work to investigate the research questions. Comparative document study, library research, quick survey with policy makers, government employees, professors, university students APF Officers and Army Officers based on purposive sampling method have been used. Study found that Nepali nation passes through its own way of building the nation in various enclaves, none of the theories are complete to study the employment of Nepali Army to produce visible and encouraging results. The level of theoretical awareness of academicians and nation builders needs further improvement. For this, multiple theories particularly related to social transformation, infrastructural development in support of centre to periphery relation; social integration and nationalism are appropriate.


2021 ◽  
pp. 185-193
Author(s):  
Mironenko Maria P. ◽  

The article is devoted to the fate of an archaeologist, historian, employee of the Rumyantsev Museum, local historian, head of the section for the protection of museums and monuments of art and antiquities in Arkhangelsk, member and active participant of the Arkhangelsk Church Archaeological Committee and the Arkhangelsk Society for the Study of Russian North K.N. Lyubarsky (1886–1920). The Department of Written Sources of the State Historical Museum stores his archive, which sheds light on the history of his struggle to protect churches and other monuments of art and culture dying in the North of Russia during the revolution and civil war, for the creation of the Arkhangelsk Regional Museum.


2006 ◽  
pp. 253-270
Author(s):  
Jovan Ilic

The Serbs are first mentioned in the west part of the Balkan peninsula in 822. They populated the regions east of the river Cetina, mountain Pljesevica and the area between the rivers Una and Kupa. It means that the significant part of the present Republic of Croatia had been populated by the Serbs since the settlement of the Slavs. The main regions mostly populated by the Serbs were north-west Dalmatia, the larger part of Lika and Kordun, Banija, west Slavonia and smaller sections in east Slavonia, west Srem and Baranya. Social-political circumstances for the life of the Serbs in Croatia were mostly very unfavorable. Extremely unfavourable circumstances were during World War II in The Independent State of Croatia, when the Croatian ustasha fighters carried out an extensive, systematic, comprehensive and bestial genocide, that is ethnocide over the Serbs. The second genocide, that is ethnocide over the Serbs in Croatia was carried out in the civil ethnic-religious war 1991-1995, specially in 1995. In these years, the nationalist- chauvinist, antiserbian movement and war suddenly flared up in Croatia. The Serbs living there were forced to defend, so on December 19 1991 they proclaimed The Republic of Srpska Krajina. However, the Croatian armed forces were military stronger. The Serbs were defeated and punished by the total destruction of their property and mass expulsion. In that cruel civil-ethnic war, about 276.000 Serbs were expelled from Croatia, several thousand of them were killed. About 40.000 Serbian houses were destroyed and 380 Serbian villages were burnt. Hundreds of Serbian-Orthodox religious edifices were burnt or destroyed. The value of the destroyed or plundered Serbian property in Croatia was estimated at about 30 billion euros. According to the official Croatian data, in the last several years about 60.000 Serbs-refugees returned from Serbia to their native land, mostly older persons or those who returned to sell their property and leave Croatia again. About 40.000 of them went to live abroad. However, the Serbs-returnees still live in very difficult conditions, discriminated in all segments of life primarily when it comes to employment.


2021 ◽  
pp. 248-299
Author(s):  
Zoltan Barany

In Chapter 6 the various strands of the study come together as the actual performance of the Gulf armies is appraised. Given the limited involvement of GCC countries in military operations, the available evidence to base judgments upon their battlefield effectiveness is slender. Therefore, the analysis integrates lessons that may be learned from training and large-scale exercises GCC armies have participated in. To understand Gulf armies’ deficiencies, special attention is paid to the instruction and cultural aspects of the most prestigious military specialization, pilot training. In the second section the scant foreign deployment of Gulf militaries is examined, with special emphasis on the UAE, the only GCC army with extensive experience in this area. The bulk of this chapter centers on the ongoing civil war in Yemen in which the Saudi and Emirati armed forces have played a major role, thus allowing us the opportunity to assess their performance.


Author(s):  
Mike Martin

Based on interview data from Helmand Province, Afghanistan, this chapter explores the relationship between tribalism and jihadism from 1978-2015. The authors argue that local actors, predominantly tribal, have taken on the mantles of different jihadi organizations in order to gain funding as a way of increasing their leverage in local conflicts with other actors. This relationship holds true in Helmand through the ‘jihad’ against the Soviet Union in the 1980s, the civil war, the Taliban era, and the post-2001 US-led nation-building period. The author concludes that jihadi organizations, or other external organizations, need to understand and work with tribal dynamics in order to achieve their aims in tribal territories.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (05/06) ◽  
pp. 227-231
Author(s):  
Lee Woodruff ◽  
Gilbert L. Mottla

AbstractSince October 2001, more than 2.7 million men and women of the armed forces have been deployed to Iraq, Afghanistan, or in support of the “Global War on Terrorism.” Like previous wars, our nation will feel the after-effects of those deployments for a generation to come, as the wounds of war do not just affect the veteran, but impact their family and friends once they return to the home front. But unlike previous wars, less than 1% of our population serves their country in an all-volunteer military. This small percentage of Americans who volunteer to serve us and protect our freedoms (no matter what you might think about the politics surrounding wars) is increasingly removed from the rest of the population who choose other careers and options. Therefore, most of us are uneducated and unconnected to the often isolating experiences and frustrations of our veterans when they return to the home front and try to retake the stage of their former lives. In this discussion, we share the compelling stories of military members and veterans who struggle with infertility. We describe the need for policy and expansion of services for infertility care in the Department of Defense and Veterans Health Administration, and the challenges and opportunities that exist.


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