A Study on the Phonetic Value of ㅿ from the View of ㅿ-ㅸ Sequences

2016 ◽  
Vol null (36) ◽  
pp. 203-235
Author(s):  
Zhang, Shuo
Keyword(s):  
Phonetic Value

The origin of the phonetic value of the Anatolian hieroglyphic sign *41 (CAPERE/tà)

Kadmos ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 33-48
Author(s):  
Alwin Kloekhorst
Keyword(s):  
Historical Linguistic ◽  
Present Article ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Phonetic Value

Abstract Following Rieken’s 2008 establishment that the Anatolian hieroglyphic sign *41 (CAPERE/ta) denoted the syllable /da/, with lenis /d/, Yakubovich (2008) argued that the sign’s phonetic value was acrophonically derived from the Hittite verb dā-i/d- ‘to take’. In the present article it is argued that this view can no longer be upheld in view of new proposals regarding the phonetic value of sign *41 (rather [da]) and the interpretation of Hitt. dā-i/d- (rather [tʔā-]). It is proposed that the value of sign *41 has instead been derived from the Luwian verb ‘to take’, lā-i/l-, which from a historical linguistic perspective must go back to earlier *.ā-i/ *.-. This acrophonic assignment of the value [da] to sign *41 must then be dated to the beginning of the 18th century BCE at the latest, which implies that already by that time the Anatolian hieroglyphs were in use as a real script that made use of phonetic signs.

Zeichenwahl zur Präzisierung von Konsonant oder Vokal: zi und ṣe (zí) im Kodex Hammurapi

2017 ◽  
Vol 107 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-235
Author(s):  
Vera Meyer-Laurin
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Precise Identification ◽  
The Common ◽  
Phonetic Value

Abstract: The fact that the signs zi and zí were both used in the Codex Hammurapi to write the sequences /ṣi/ and /ze/ will be explained by the superposition of two orthographic systems. One system is based on the acquisition of phonetic values from Sumerian in which the vowels /i/ and /e/ were distinguished. In the other system, which must have developed in a Semitic context – presumably due to frequent writings of the sequence /ṣe/ in forms of the common verb waṣûm –, the primary phonetic value of the sign zí is /ṣe/. It will be demonstrated that the combination of the two orthographic systems was advantageously used in the Codex Hammurapi. The sign zí was employed for a more precise identification of the /ṣ/ onset and the sign zi for a more accurate marking of the /i/ vowel of the sequence /ṣi/.

Natural Phonology and Second Language Acquisition

1996 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 9-21
Author(s):  
Niclas Abrahamsson
Keyword(s):  
Second Language ◽  
Second Language Acquisition ◽  
Language Acquisition ◽  
First Language ◽  
First Language Acquisition ◽  
Original Theory ◽  
Preliminary Model ◽  
Language Research ◽  
Promising Application ◽  
Phonetic Value

This paper looks at whether Natural Phonology can be directly applied to second language acquisition. First, the original theory, as presented by Stampe and Donegan in the 1970s, is outlined. Secondly, its application to first language acquisition is presented, as this is highly crucial for the following discussion on the naturalness of second language phonology. Thirdly, an attempt is made to establish a preliminary model of the application to second language speech. Findings indicate that Natural Phonology is able to, if not resolve, then at least shed some light on a controversial issue in second language research, namely the distinction between interference and development. With the dichotomy of processes vs. rules offered by Natural Phonology, and hence the interpretation of deviations in second language research as the result of failure of suppression and limitation of processes (instead of as the result of interference from LI phonological rules), the interference/ development distinction collapses. In addition, a principle of closest phonetic value' is postulated in order to explain substitutional variation across learners with differing LI backgrounds. Although highly promising, application of Natural Phonology to second language issues also raises inherent problems in the original theory that need to be resolved. Instead of the notions of innateness and latency of processes proposed by Stampean Natural Phonology, in this paper, suggestions are made concerning the brain's early programming of processes in the form of a model which covers both first and second language acquisition.

The ‘U’ and ‘V’ Alternation in the History of English

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-49
Author(s):  
Peter J. Grund ◽  
Matti Peikola ◽  
Johanna Rastas ◽  
Wen Xin
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Constrained System ◽  
Legal Documents ◽  
Witch Trials ◽  
Complex Process ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Witch ◽  
Phonetic Value ◽  
Consonant Sounds ◽  
Mixed Systems

In the Early Modern English period (roughly 1500s–1700s), the use of the letters <u> and <v> went through a change from a positionally constrained system (initial <v>, medial <u>) to a system based on phonetic value, with <u> marking vowel and <v> consonant sounds. The exact dynamics of this transition have received little attention, however, and the standard account is exclusively based on printed sources. Using a dataset of ca. 4,000 examples from over 100 handwritten legal documents from the witch trials in Salem, MA, in 1692–1693, this study indicates that the current narrative is oversimplified and that behind the transition from one system to another lies a complex process of experimentation and variation. The study charts the <u> and <v> usage in the handwriting of nineteen recorders who subscribe to various “mixed” systems that conform neither to the positional nor the phonetic system. In addition to the positional and phonetic constraints, a range of other linguistic and extralinguistic factors appears to have influenced the recorders’ alternation between <u> and <v>, from lexical item and graphotactics to textual history.

About the phonetic value of the Middle Korean grapheme Δ

1993 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Vovin
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
Overwhelming Majority ◽  
Historical Phonology ◽  
Phonemic Status ◽  
Phonetic Value ◽  
Middle Korean

The problem concerning the phonetic value of the Middle Korean (MK) Grapheme Δ is one of the most troublesome in the study of Korean historical phonology. There are several hypotheses about the phonetic value of this grapheme, its phonemic status, and origin.The most widespread and more or less generally accepted theory proposes that MK Δ was a voiced fricative [z] which appeared as the result of the lenition of phoneme /s/ in the intervocalic and post-sonorant positions, since Δ is found in these positions in the overwhelming majority of cases (Yi Kimun 1987, 30) and (Ramsey, 1978: 33). Thus, this point of view denies the phonemic status of Δ, representing it as an allophone of /s/.

The Phonetic Value of Old French Ue from Vulgar Latin Open O

PMLA ◽  
1930 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 392-399
Author(s):  
Henry Dexter Learned
Keyword(s):  
Old French ◽  
Phonetic Value

In the present paper I propose to examine once more the documents that afford evidence as to the sound of the Old French diphthong commonly represented by ue, and to develop certain fresh conclusions to which this evidence seems to point.Current views of this matter may be briefly summarized: Vulgar Latin long open o, broken (by a process concerning which scholars are far from agreed) into ǫǫ, gave uo (dissimilation), on which we disagree again: was it uó or úo? Both pronunciations may be defended; but it is simpler to suppose that, like Italian and Spanish, Old French had a rising diphthong here (ŭó) from the very first. At any rate, the next stage must have been *uø, next ue, then *uø once more and finally ø.

The Maize Tamale in Classic Maya Diet, Epigraphy, and Art

1989 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl A. Taube
Keyword(s):  
Classic Maya ◽  
Water Group ◽  
Linguistic Data ◽  
Principal Subject ◽  
New Evidence ◽  
Phonetic Value

Iconographic, epigraphic, and linguistic data provide new evidence that the tamale constituted the primary maize food of Classic Maya diet. Archaeological and ethnohistoric data pertaining to the tamale and tortilla are reviewed and discussed in terms of the widespread representation of the tamale in Classic Maya epigraphy and art. Iconographic forms of the tamale are isolated and compared with hieroglyphic signs. Glyphs T:14, 39, 86, 130, 135, 506, 507, 754, 577, 584, and 739 are identified as representations of the tamale. Affix T130 contains either of two tamale types, both possessing the phonetic value wa or wah in the ancient script. This syllable provides readings for the Postclassic water group, the action of standing, and an unusual emblem glyph possibly referring to a supernatural region. In addition, the two tamale forms of T130 provide partial readings for the Classic terms for the numbers six, eight, and the name glyph of God N. It is suggested that the tamale constituted an important offering in Classic ritual, and is a principal subject of 819-day cycle texts.

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