scholarly journals CHINESE UNIVERSITY THINK-TANKS IN KNOWLEDGE PRODUCTION FOR NATIONAL GOVERNMENT’S DECISION-MAKING

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 46-58
Author(s):  
Sun Pinjie ◽  

This research analyzes the functions of university think-tanks from the perspective of the Chinese government, in particular their role in generating knowledge for governmental decision-making. It also reveals the achievements and problems of the development model of Chinese university think-tanks. Methodologically, this study relies on analysis and interpretation of the key policy documents of the Chinese government, the public information of some university think-tanks and the research results and data of professional think-tank research institutions. The study found that the Chinese government is trying to incorporate university think-tanks into the «Holistic Knowledge» production link and thus turn them into professional decision-making knowledge supply institutions. As a result, Chinese university think-tanks will perform the role of t bridges between academic knowledge production and generation of knowledge for the government’s decision-making, ensuring the necessary flexibility between these two processes. However, the drawback of such policy is that it limits the autonomy of university think-tanks and their social influence.

Author(s):  
Daniel Benamouzig ◽  
Frédéric Lebaron

This chapter describes and analyses the progressive spread of economic "expertise" in the sphere of public policy. It sketches the historical process of the expansion of economic expertise in France, and discusses the way it involves a reshaping of the relations between the State, markets, universities, and other relevant institutional entities (e.g., political parties, unions, etc.), as well as society in general. Considered from this socio-historical viewpoint, economic expertise seems to have contributed to the opening of State-centered regulation to more pluralistic and market-driven public policies in a number of sectors. The analysis draws more specifically on the case of health care, which has been engaged in a clear transformation from a traditional (welfare) State-centered regulation to more open and economically-driven policy. Various components of economic expertise and its concrete uses are under scrutiny, such as classic macroeconomic/econometric forecasting and conjunctural analysis; sectorial expertise; think tanks and organization-related expertise or counter-expertise; academic knowledge in the sphere of policy advice and decision-making; and the production and diffusion of economic discourse through newspapers, magazines, books, etc.


Author(s):  
Hartwig Pautz

The study of think tanks brings together a range of academic disciplines and allows for multifaceted analyses, encompassing the concepts of ideas, institutions, influence, interests, and power. The literature on think tanks addresses a ubiquitous policy actor as think tanks have been around for a long time, especially in advanced liberal democracies. However, they have also become established actors in authoritarian regimes and in the developing world. Nowhere is their influence on policymaking or the public debate easy to pinpoint. The definition of a think tank has been contested ever since the study of think tanks took off in the 1980s and 1990s. Some scholars have devised typologies around organizational form and output, with a focus on whether think tanks are openly partisan or rather emphasize their political and ideological neutrality; others propose that the think tank is not so much a clearly discernible organizational entity but rather should be seen as a set of activities that can be conducted by a broad range of organizations; others again see think tanks as hybrid boundary organizations operating at the interstices of different societal fields. What most scholars will agree on is that policy expertise is think tanks’ main output, that they seek to influence policymakers and the wider public, and that they try to do so via informal and formal channels and by making use of their well-connected position in often transnational policy networks encompassing political parties, interest groups, corporations, international organizations, civil society organizations, and civil service bureaucracies. Think tanks’ main output, policy expertise either in the form of concrete proposals or “blue-skies thinking,” is underpinned by claims that it is “evidence-based.” The widely used positivist notion of “evidence-based policymaking” has been of benefit to think tanks as organizations that claim to “speak truth to power” by producing easily digestible outputs aimed at policymakers who profess to want evidence to make policy “that works.” Think tanks are active at different “moments” in the policymaking process. John Kingdon’s agenda-setting theory of the multiple streams framework helps us understand think tanks as “policy entrepreneurs” who are most likely to have influence during the moments of problem framing, the search for policy solutions, and the promotion of specific solutions to policymakers and the public. Think tank studies should take into account the relationship between the media and think tanks, and how this relationship impacts on whether think tanks succeed in agenda-setting and, thereby, influence policymaking. The relationship is symbiotic: journalists use think tanks to inform their work or welcome their contribution in the form of an opinion piece, while think tanks use the media to air their ideas. This relationship is not without problems, as some think tanks are in privileged positions with regards to media access while others barely ever cross the media threshold. Think tanks are, in the 21st century, challenged by an “epistemic crisis.” This crisis consists of a loss of faith in experts and of information pollution and information overload. This development is both a risk and an opportunity for think tanks. Concerning the latter, policymakers increasingly need curators, arbiters, or filters to help them decide which information, data, and policy expertise to use in their decision-making processes.


2002 ◽  
Vol 171 ◽  
pp. 559-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Murray Scot Tanner

The entrepreneurial “second generation” of Chinese policy research institutes (often called think tanks) that emerged during the 1980s played a pivotal role in the policy process of reform. Since Tiananmen, China's growing commercialization is spawning a “third generation” of think tanks characterized by even more ambiguous links to sponsoring leaders and institutions, greatly expanded commercial links, greater exposure to Western theories and techniques, and the gradual emergence of wide-ranging “policy communities.” The extent of this change varies greatly across policy sectors, however. Generational change is evident in China's previously unstudied network of public security (police) think tanks. Though clearly still of the “second generation” variety, these institutes have been in the forefront of importing and incorporating more sophisticated crime-fighting techniques and less class-based and conspiratorial theories of crime and social unrest.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry G Zaytsev ◽  
Valentina V Kuskova ◽  
Alexandra Kononova

Abstract Studies on foreign policy consider government as the key actor in policy formulation and implementation. Research, apparently, has devoted far less attention to impact of knowledge brokers, such as think tanks, on policy-making. How and why do think tanks influence US foreign policy? An analysis of five think tanks that differ in terms of their proximity to elites, origin, and ideology reveals two types of nonstate actors’ impact on foreign policy. Think tanks either advocate for own alternative policy proposals, solutions, and actions (“alternatives’ facilitators”), or clarify, justify, and legitimize those of the governments (“policy legitimizers”). These two roles dictate special mechanisms and think tank impact directions. In the first type, think tanks are less oriented toward mass media, but more oriented toward coalitions with nonstate actors and influence the opinions of elites. The second type is the opposite: higher orientation toward mass media and more pronounced connections with elites, and influence on the public. Different origins and strategy of think tanks may be the reasons for some observed differences.


Author(s):  
Olha Serdiuk ◽  
◽  
Anatolii Sytnyk ◽  
Olena Pavlushenko ◽  
◽  
...  

The article summarizes the theoretical foundations of interaction of local authorities with the public. The prerequisites for building effective interaction between local authorities and the public have been clarified. According to the Constitution of Ukraine the rights of citizens to participate in the management of state affairs are defined. The essence of the concepts is substantiated: interaction, interaction of local self-government bodies with the public, public organizations, public council. The main features of interaction. The types of interaction with the public of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine have been identified and substantiated, functions of interaction of local authorities with the public are outlined. The most common forms of interaction of local governments with the public in the implementation of its social purpose: meetings of citizens, local initiatives, participation in public organizations, involvement in the decision-making process of self-organization of the population. An analysis of the activities of public organizations in Ukraine and Poltava region, which showed a significant decrease in Ukraine and increase in Poltava region. The volumes and sources of financing of public organizations are determined. Foreground areas of interaction of local authorities with the public have been formed, including: access to public information and satisfaction of citizens' requests for information, electronic voting, consultations, consideration of appeals,consideration of proposals of public councils. Expected results: increase of openness of activity of authorities, increase of level of transparency of process of their decision-making, strengthening of socially useful activity of territorial community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 98-108
Author(s):  
Olena Rachynska

The article deals with the influence of public opinion on the process of state and administrative decision-making as one of the most pressing problems and a condition for effective interaction of participants of the political and administrative process. Theoretical analysis of the research field on the issues of knowledge and practice of influence of public opinion on the optimization of communicative interaction in the public administration sphere is presented.The essence of this phenomenon is analyzed and the main characteristics of public opinion is noted: it is determined primarily by the events that affect it; accordingly, the demand for action is the reaction of public opinion to events; influencing people is primarily due to influencing their interests; level of trust in management determines the amount of authority given to it; education and information contribute to common sense and moderate human behavior.It is determined that public opinion is a phenomenon more voluminous and complexly structured than the mere sum of points of view expressed by a certain set of individuals. Accordingly, its characteristic features and important practical aspects are directionality and intensity; stability, information saturation and social support. It is established that the functioning of public opinion depends essentially on the type of society that can stimulate and develop functions or deform and restrain them. The essence of public opinion and its main functions is analyzed.Ways to improve the effectiveness of the communicative component in the public administration system is identified. The main ones are optimization of the system of continuous communication between the centers of government decision making and civil society institutions; ensuring an effective public information policy; strengthening the practice of public reporting by public authorities; improving the effectiveness of civil society structures. The process of forming public opinion through the implementation of mechanisms of communicative interaction in the public administration sphere is considered; it is established that public opinion has its structural and operational features.The specifics of communication interaction in the public administration sphere is analyzed. The peculiarity of communicative interaction is to define it as a system of consistent methodological, methodic and organizational-technical procedures within the separate constituent mechanisms, connected by a single purpose: obtaining reliable data on the phenomenon under study or process for their further use in order to increase the effectiveness of the communicative dialogue between the authorities and civil society institutions.


Author(s):  
Om Prakash

Public policy and policy making is an inherent task of the institutions and state for the purpose of well-knit and sustainable governance in the society and organisation as well as in the state. The quality of governance is based upon how visionary the public policy is and how far it has been implemented. The aspect of sustainability thrives on the perspective that policy making should be inclusive having inter-generational justice. The chapter attempts to look into how far history has played its role in policymaking of the state and civil society. It also looked into how history had a role in the foreign policy making of the state. Analogies can be drawn from the past experience into the present decision making which can have a reflection in the future as well. Lyndon Johnson's administration prepared internal histories to key policy issues, in hopes of better informing the initial efforts of its successor. The illustrations and examples in the chapter are not confined to the geographical boundaries of any particular nation but rather have a global dimension.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 820
Author(s):  
Hamzah HAMZAH ◽  
Yusdianto YUSDIANTO

This study aims to describe the Public Rights and State Interests in managing information related to the Covid-19 outbreak filling public space. Civil society, cross-sectoral experts, the Government contributed opinions and information regarding the handling and response of Covid-19. Central to this public discourse is whether information about Covid-19 is public information as referred to in the provisions of Law No. 14 of 2008 concerning Public Information Openness (UU KIP). Or does it include information that is excluded on the grounds that there are a state's interests that are far more important than public information. This research is designed to be qualitative for this purpose and uses normative legal research methods. First research results, Covid-19 is a problem that involves many human lives. This dangerous and deadly virus outbreak threatens millions of people throughout the world. Therefore, the handling of Covid-19 concerns the interests or obligations of the state more precisely to protect its citizens. Second, the handling of Covid-19 requires the participation of all Indonesian people. Indonesia has a number of legal bases for implementing policies to address Covid-19. The management of information and the handling policies of Covid-19 are in the domain of state authority. All citizens must obey the Government's call and medical action to overcome Covid-19. Third, the experience of China which is a communist country turned out to be able to quickly overcome the Covid-19 outbreak. The obedience of its people and the unity of all elements and strengths that exist in the Chinese Government and medical personnel gave birth to a happy story free from Covid-19.  


Politik ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotta Lounasmeri

This article discusses the think tank scene in Finland and the modest role think tanks seem to play in public debate. In 2005, the first Finnish think tanks associated with political parties were established, and since then, several new ones have popped up. Until now, they have not received substantial media attention. One notable exception is the traditional Finnish Business and Policy Forum (EVA) that was founded in the 1970s and has secured a position as a credible public discussant. However, in light of the great popularity of think tanks in the other Nordic countries, even the public attention granted to EVA seems modest. The article presents empirical results of a media analysis and discusses possible reasons for the lesser visibility.


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