Why Waning Wars Wax; a Relook at the Failure of Arusha Peace Accord, the Peace Agreement-Implementation Gap and the Onset of the Rwandan Genocide.

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin Wuadom Warden
Keyword(s):  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Rwandan Genocide ◽  
Implementation Gap

scholarly journals The Legal Status of the Colombian Peace Agreement

AJIL Unbound ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 188-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Betancur Restrepo
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Geneva Conventions ◽  
Unilateral Declaration ◽  
The Many

One of the many roles played by international law in the Colombian Peace Accord is that of guarantor—that is, creating assurances that the parties will comply with their commitments. To this end, negotiators declared that the Final Peace Accord would constitute a Special Agreement (SA) in “terms of Article 3 common to all Geneva Conventions of 1949,” which “will be introduced [in the Colombian legal system] as part of the constitutional block” and deposited “before the Swiss Federal Council.” Furthermore, they stated, “a presidential declaration will be made taking the form of a unilateral declaration of the Colombian State before the Secretary-General of the United Nations,” and its incorporation in a Resolution of the Security Council will be requested.

scholarly journals The Negotiation of Political Identity and Rise of Social Citizenship: A Study of the Former Female Combatants in Aceh Since the Helsinki Peace Accord

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arifah Rahmawati ◽  
Dewi H Susilastuti ◽  
Mohtar Mas'oed ◽  
Muhadjir Darwin
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Identity Negotiation ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Social Citizenship ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Women Combatants

An identity negotiation process, initiated after the peace agreement was reached, is currently underway in Aceh. This can be seen, for example, in the activities of the women joined in the Inong Balee troop, the women's wing of the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) formed in the late 1990s. Their participation as women combatants is inseparable from the strong ethno-nationalistic identity and ethno-political struggle that sought Aceh's independence. Today, more than twelve years after peace was reached in Aceh, the Acehnese ethno-political identity has experienced a transformation. Although it has not entirely disappeared, their activities have been framed as part of Indonesian nationalism. This finding emphasizes that nation is not fixed, but transformable and negotiable. The once ethno-political identity has become a social national identity. This paper attempts to understand how former woman members of GAM through a qualitative narrative. This paper attempts to answer why this has happened and how former combatants have negotiated their identities. Is there still a sense of Acehnese nationalism, as they fought for, and how has this intersected with their Indonesian nationalism since they became ordinary citizens?

scholarly journals A concrete proposal to upgrade the Dayton Peace Agreement

Illuminatio ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 256-273
Author(s):  
Mirsad Kriještorac
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
State Capacity ◽  
Normal Functioning ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
European State ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Dayton Peace Agreement ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Selection Of

Most observers of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political situation have focused only on the problems that the Dayton Peace Accord created for the normal functioning of this Southeastern European state, but a workable solution is yet to be proposed.  The Accord achieved peace by blocking any ability for effective governing and by diminishing the Bosnian state capacity through an excessive dispersion of power with an uncommon constitutional focus on internationalism, and an erroneous type of pluralism that undermines the normal functioning of a democracy. The solution for these problems is to be found by adjusting the procedural selection of the United Nations High Representative, who is the primary actor directly responsible for the implementation of the Accord, both in terms of the letter and intent of the document, and this paper explains how that change can be made and what problems it will resolve.

scholarly journals The Negotiation of Political Identity and Rise of Social Citizenship: A Study of the Former Female Combatants in Aceh Since the Helsinki Peace Accord

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arifah Rahmawati ◽  
Dewi H Susilastuti ◽  
Mohtar Mas'oed ◽  
Muhadjir Darwin
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Identity Negotiation ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Social Citizenship ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Women Combatants

An identity negotiation process, initiated after the peace agreement was reached, is currently underway in Aceh. This can be seen, for example, in the activities of the women joined in the Inong Balee troop, the women's wing of the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) formed in the late 1990s. Their participation as women combatants is inseparable from the strong ethno-nationalistic identity and ethno-political struggle that sought Aceh's independence. Today, more than twelve years after peace was reached in Aceh, the Acehnese ethno-political identity has experienced a transformation. Although it has not entirely disappeared, their activities have been framed as part of Indonesian nationalism. This finding emphasizes that nation is not fixed, but transformable and negotiable. The once ethno-political identity has become a social national identity. This paper attempts to understand how former woman members of GAM through a qualitative narrative. This paper attempts to answer why this has happened and how former combatants have negotiated their identities. Is there still a sense of Acehnese nationalism, as they fought for, and how has this intersected with their Indonesian nationalism since they became ordinary citizens?

Determinants of Success

2019 ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Galymzhan Kirbassov
Keyword(s):  
Third Party ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Crucial Element ◽  
Military Capability ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
Peace Initiatives ◽  
Peace Accords

This chapter analyzes the factors that determine the success of peace initiatives in Somalia. First, the intensity of conflict before the peace agreement is signed negatively affects the duration of peace. The higher the rate of fatalities during a conflict, the higher the likelihood that the peace agreement that followed it will fail. Second, military capabilities of the disputing clans determine if the peace agreement will succeed in sustaining. Imbalance of military capability reduces the likely duration of peace because the stronger clan may have incentives to renege on the peace accord. Third, third-party enforcement of peace accords by a credible and capable actor is a crucial element of sustainable peace. The enforcer monitors the implementation of the peace agreement and can credibly threaten to punish non-compliance.

scholarly journals Gender Panic and the Failure of a Peace Agreement

AJIL Unbound ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 183-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lina M. Céspedes-Báez
Keyword(s):  
Public Life ◽  
Family Values ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Biological Difference ◽  
Christian Community ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Evangelical Christian ◽  
Religion In Public Life

Gender may have been one of the main reasons behind the rejection of the Peace Agreement in Colombia. A few hours after the narrow victory of those who opposed the deal, Senator and ex-president Álvaro Uribe Vélez gave a speech calling for the strengthening of religious family values. His words echoed an argument that gained traction in recent months in Colombia, particularly in the Evangelical Christian community: that the content of the Peace Accord dismantled traditional mores, such as the biological difference between man and woman, the importance of the heterosexual family, and the place of religion in public life.

Negotiating with the Other: Centre-Periphery Perceptions, Peacemaking Policies and Pervasive Conflict in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 179-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Wilkinson
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
Chittagong Hill Tracts ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Mistaken Belief ◽  
Lasting Peace ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Sides

Abstract Intrastate peace agreements tend to be drafted in situations of political chaos, multiple combatants and shifting allegiances within and between state and non-state actors. Despite this, such agreements continue to reflect a bilateral understanding of conflict, with the state on one side and the non-state on the other. Such an understanding was employed in the largely unsuccessful 1997 Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord in Bangladesh. This article argues that the failure of the Accord to secure a durable and lasting peace is due to the mistaken belief by the Bangladeshi government that the conflict was a ‘two sides’ war between the modern Bengali-Muslim state and it’s ‘primitive’ and ‘savage’ periphery. Soon after the Peace Accord was signed it became apparent that the Government of Bangladesh had made a fatal error in assuming that the communities in question were a simple, homogenous and unified group. Rather, the communities of the CHT are a collection of ethnically and ideologically distinct groups. This failure has led to division and competition of local politics in the CHT today, and continued warfare within and between many CHT communities. Violent actors have been polarized by the terms of the peace agreement and jungle warfare continues at great risk and cost to communities.1

scholarly journals Lex Pacificatoria Colombiana: Colombia’s Peace Accord in Comparative Perspective

AJIL Unbound ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 165-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Bell
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Short Piece

In this short piece, I open a conversation over how the Colombian Final Peace Accord provides evidence of, and a contribution to, a more generallex pacificatoriaor “law of the peacemakers” (lex paxfor short). In light of the Accord’s recent ballot defeat, I integrate into this assessment the merits of using a referendum to approve (in Colombia’s case “affirm or deny”) the Agreement as a whole. Throughout, I draw on a peace agreement database which has coded over one thousand four hundred peace agreements since 1990 for comparative insight.

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