Exploring the relationship between grammatical metaphor and mode differentiation in Chinese political discourses

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-161
Author(s):  
Cheng Xi
Sociology ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 003803852093939
Author(s):  
Kerris Cooper

Low-income parents have long been demonised in both political discourses and mainstream media, portrayed as lacking in parenting skills not just financial resources. Using the Millennium Cohort Study (MCS) this article examines to what extent there are differences in the parenting of low-income mothers by examining parenting behaviours of low-, middle- and high-income mothers. The findings show that where there are negative differences in the parenting of low-income mothers these are often part of a broader income gradient that extends all the way up the distribution, rather than unique to low-income mothers. Furthermore, there are some positive differences in parenting among low-income mothers compared to middle-income mothers. These findings have important implications: low-income parents are not an unusual or deviant group parenting differently to everyone else. The findings suggest more attention ought to be given to parenting differences higher up the income distribution. In focusing on low-income parents only, existing evidence exaggerates differences and wrongly identifies low-income parents as problematic.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 127-143
Author(s):  
Siavash Saffari

This article examines the relationship between religion and sociopolitical development in the context of the re-emergence of popular social movements in Muslim societies in the Middle East and North Africa. It makes a case that despite the decline of Islamism as a mode of social mobilization, religion maintains an active presence within the public sphere. Focusing on the religious-political discourses of Abdolkarim Soroush and neo-Shariatis, as the representatives of two distinct post-Islamist currents in post-revolutionary Iran, the article identifies some of the capacities and limitations of their particular conceptions of democratic public religiosity for contributing to the ongoing processes of change in Iran and other contemporary Muslim societies.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Scott Summerfield

<p>Settlements of historical Treaty of Waitangi claims present a unique opportunity to provide redress to Māori for the past and ongoing grievances committed by the Crown, and through that redress and the accompanying focus on improved relations, to decolonise the relationship between the two. Despite this opportunity, there is a wide body of literature that suggests the outcomes of these settlements instead will perpetuate colonisation and uphold the political structures which allow for the on-going dispossession of Māori.  This thesis argues that existing Treaty settlement policy can be viewed as a continuation of the legacy of colonisation by stealth, entrenching the power of the colonial state while simultaneously offering redress and apologies for past grievances of the colonisation process which do not adequately challenge the underlying structures which give rise to those grievances. It is further argued, through the example of political rhetoric from the 2014 general election, that current political discourses support the implementation of colonising settlement policies and that those discourses reinforce notions of Western settler superiority.  This thesis explores a number of perspectives on settlements and decolonisation which support the claim that historical Treaty settlements perpetuate rather than challenge colonisation. I argue that the pressing concern emerging from the thesis is that the Crown can be to seen to be directing the Treaty relationship to a post-settlement world where the negotiated outcomes of Treaty settlements and the parties to them are the end point of colonisation and represent the future dynamic of the Crown-Māori relationship.</p>


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 188-217
Author(s):  
Olga Yanet Acuña Rodríguez

 El artículo analiza la influencia de los discursos políticos expuestos por Juan Nepomuceno Niño y José Joaquín Camacho y que circularon en forma pública a través de la prensa nacional y regional durante la primera experiencia republicana entre 1810 y 1815. El estudio se orienta en función de comprender cómo desde la región se intentó construir nación. Es evidente que la clausura de la prensa por el gobierno de Cundinamarca provocó, que las ideas circularan a través de las redes de amigos y familiares en un ámbito más cerrado, lo que permitió hacer extensivo el pensamiento político. Por otra parte, el enfoque evidencia la radicalización de los discursos con los que se pretendía construir un proyecto de estado, y que polarizó la relación entre los criollos en defensa del Federalismo o del Centralismo, tratando de imponer un proyecto de nación tal y como se observa en el caso de la Provincia de Tunja.Palabras clave: proyecto político, patria, centralismo, federalismo, provincia, gobierno. Independence of the Province of Tunja seen from Juan Nepomuceno Niño and José Joaquín Camacho’s Ideology, 1810-1815AbstractIn this paper, we analyze the influence of political discourses made by Nepomuceno Niño and José Joaquín Camacho that publicly circulated through the national and regional press during the first republican experience from 1810 to 1815. This study focuses on understanding how the region tried to build nation. It is clear that the press closure by the government of Cundinamarca caused ideas to circulate through friends and family circles in a closer environment, which allowed to extend that political thinking. On the other hand, the approach of this paper shows the radicalization of the discourses with which it was expected to build a State project, and which polarized the relationship between nationals in defense of Federalism or Centralism, trying to impose a project of nation as it is observed in the case of the Province of Tunja.Keywords: political project, homeland, centralism, federalism, province, government.


2019 ◽  
Vol 89 (5) ◽  
pp. 655-696 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edda Sant

This theoretical review examines how democratic education is conceptualized within educational scholarship. Three hundred and seventy-seven articles published in English language peer-reviewed journals between 2006 and 2017 are discursively analyzed. Democratic education functions as a privileged nodal point of different political discourses. Two discourses against (elitist and neoliberal) and six discourses pro democratic education (liberal, deliberative, multiculturalist, participatory, critical, and agonistic) construct its meaning. It is argued that the different versions of democratic education respond to various (a) ontological and epistemological assumptions, (b) normative approaches to democracy, and (c) conceptions of the relationship between education and politics. For educational policy, the review provides a critique of elitist and neoliberal policies and support for participatory decision making across discourses. Recommendations for educational practice are made by identifying pedagogies across democratic education scholarship as well as specific pedagogies for each discourse.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Anisur Rahman Akanda

Abstract This study, within the framework of Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar, aims to find out the types of nominalization and their functions in the news articles of Bangladesh-China relations. Bangladesh established the diplomatic relation with China on 4 October 1975. Since then the BSS has shown great interest in the relationship between the two countries. By combining the qualitative and quantitative methods, this paper includes 140 news articles from the BSS on the topic (1975-2016). Grammatical Metaphor Theory is applied to identify the specific functions of nominalization in the news articles, which are calculated by the Wordsmith Tools. The findings show that process nominalization is the top-highest frequently metaphor (40.3%), while circumstance nominalization is the second-highest metaphor (35.8%). Further, relator nominalization is the third-highest metaphor (14.2%), while quality nominalization is the fourth-highest metaphor (8.4%). The lowest nominalization is entity nominalization, which is only 1.4%. The findings also show that process nominalization can increase the level of objectivity and conciseness of Bangladesh-China relations. By contrast, quality nominalization can increase the distance between the readers and the editors. Relator and entity nominalizations are rarely used in the news articles of the BSS. Further, practical implications are drawn for the readers about the function of nominalization in the news articles, which are concise, objective, and formal. Therefore, this paper will be helpful for those, who are interested in the study of the relations between Bangladesh and China.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 219-236
Author(s):  
Anne M. Cronin

This article offers a sociological account of how we might analyse the relationship between contemporary practices and discourses of secrecy on the one hand, and those of transparency on the other hand. While secrecy is often framed in popular and political discourses as the antithesis of transparency, in reality, their relationship is more complex and co-constitutive than may initially appear. The article argues that understanding the interface between secrecy and transparency as a socially embedded dynamic can offer public relations scholarship productive avenues for both theoretically oriented research and empirical studies. In its role in the management of the secrecy−transparency dynamic, PR plays a significant role in actively creating social relations. This article aims to provide resources for assessing the strength of this dynamic in acting to structure social, political and economic relations, and offers new perspectives on how techniques employed to manage the secrecy–transparency dynamic – including public relations – are both embedded in such relations and act to shape them.


Genealogy ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Carmelo Moreno

To analyse the Spanish national question requires considering the relationship between the idea of the nation and the phenomenon of nationalism on one side, and the question of political plurality on the other. The approval of the Constitutional text 40 years ago was achieved thanks to a delicate semantic balancing act concerning the concept of nation, whose interpretation remains open. Academic studies of public opinion, such as the famous Linz-Moreno Question—also known as Moreno Question—that measures the possible mixture of Spanish subjective national identity, are equally the object of wide controversy. The extent to which political plurinationality is a suitable concept for defining the country is not clear because, amongst other reasons, the political consequences that might derive from adopting the concept are unknown. This article sets out the thesis that Spain is a plurinational labyrinth since there is neither consensus nor are there discursive strategies that might help in forming an image of the country in national terms. The paradox of this labyrinth is that, since the approval of the Constitution in 1978, the political actors have accepted that nationality in Spain is insoluble without taking the plurinational idea into account. But, at the same time, it is not easy to assume such plurinationality in practical terms because the political cost to those actors that openly defend national plurality is very high. For this reason, political discourses in Spain on the national question offer a highly ambiguous scenario, where the actors seek windows of opportunity and are reluctant to take risks in order to solve this puzzle situation. The aim of this paper is to analyse which indicators are most efficient for testing how the different actors position themselves facing the phenomenon of the Spanish plurinational labyrinth. The clearest examples are what we refer to here as the concepts of (i) intersubjective national identity and (ii) plurinational governments.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Vlasova ◽  
Olha Vlasova ◽  
Nataliia Bilan ◽  
Inna Zavaruieva ◽  
Larysa Bondarenko

The aim of the article is considered the conceptual reconstruction of the relationship between postmodern feminism and the notional field of contemporary neoliberalism. The analytical methods used were based on the assertion that the complexity of textual interventions requires interdisciplinary approaches. The findings and results of the research carried out accentuate that COVID-19 has contributed greatly to the contradictions of the current global landscape in the contexts of neoliberalism and feminism. Feminism asserts as a discourse that the conceptual apparatus of neoliberalism has not served its goals; in fact, postfeminism has not yet chosen its route in the neoliberal context. The assumption that women cannot win their “vindication battle” in the world where "the game is fixed" continues to be taken as an axiom, even though the coronavirus pandemic causes some observers to proclaim the return of influential governments and social contracts. The latter accentuates the role of female representation in neoliberal social, cultural, and political discourses at the global level.


Author(s):  
Alessio Fiore

The aim of this book is to discuss the transformation of the fabric of power in the kingdom of Italy in the period between the late eleventh century and the early twelfth century. The study analyses the major socio-political change of this period, the crisis of royal and public structures and the development of seigneurial powers, using as a standpoint the structures of power over men and land, and the discourses about the exercise of local power. The analysis is conducted over a broad geographical space (central and northern Italy), focusing on a few decades around year 1100, showing a sharp and relatively rapid reshaping of the structures of local power. The period appears as a phase of crisis and closure in the sphere of political discourses. The outbreak of civil wars in the 1080s (connected with the ‘investiture crisis’) imply a reconfiguration of the matrix of power, in turn expressed in a transformation both of the instruments of local political communications and of the practices of power. The reshaping of documentary landscape mirrors the transformation of socio-political landscape: the fragmentation of power and the importance of local frameworks goes hand in hand with a forceful investment by political actors in legitimizing discourses, which find their reference point within these localized setups. Legitimization is sought not through the relationship with the kingdom, but rather through the relations with peers and subjects. From this perspective the Italian case can offer fresh insights into the problematique of ‘feudal revolution’ in European countrysides.


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