scholarly journals Johann Ignaz Cimbal „védjegye”, a VSG-monogram

2020 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Gaylhoffer-Kovács Gábor
Keyword(s):  
Formal Solution ◽  
Trade Mark ◽  
Religious Art ◽  
Holy Ghost ◽  
Holy Trinity ◽  
Parish Church ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Art Works ◽  
Comprehensive Examination ◽  
Special Mention

Next to his signature, Viennese painter Johann Ignaz Cimbal often added a peculiar sign in his frescoes and oils. It is a combination of letters, appearing in a different form in each of the studied cases (Zalaegerszeg, Oberlaa, Zwettl, Peremarton, Tornyiszentmiklós, Nagykároly [ Carei]), which – and the poor state of the works – make the identification of the letters difficult. In most cases the sign reads VSG, so it is not the initials of the painter.In some Cimbal works the three letters also appear with iconographic meaning. On the picture of the King Saint Stephen side altar in the parish church of Tornyiszentmiklós the letters shining in the halo around the Holy Cross were identified as VSG earlier and decoded as “Vera Sacra Crux”. However, it is more likely that this abbreviation hides the same meaning as the monograms next to Cimbal’s signatures.Guidance to the elucidation of the monogram was provided by the ceiling fresco in the southern vestry-room of Székesfehérvár cathedral. The clearly readable VSG abbreviation appears in the corners of the triangle symbolizing the Holy Trinity, which leaves no doubt that it is in connection of the Holy Trinity. The most obvious explanation is the letters being the initials of the German words for the three divine entities, Vater, Sohn and [Heiliger] Geist.The attribution of the picture (Maria Immaculata) on the high altar of the parish church of Sárospatak to Cimbal was suggested on the basis of this motif, here in three corners of a triangular aureole around the Ark of Covenant. The attribution is also confirmed by style critical analyses. (Analogous are Cimbal’s Immaculata figures in Zalaeregszeg, Tornyiszentmiklós and Székesfehérvár.)The abbreviation alluding to the Holy Trinity, which is perfectly embedded in the iconographic fabric of some paintings, was also used by Cimbal independently of the theme, attached to his name. Inserting a sign referring to the Holy Trinity above his name must have been a religious gesture. Having completed a picture, the painter crossed himself, as it were, offering his work to God. He sealed his offering with the mysterious sign of God “in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost”. (A similar religious gesture must underlie the signature 70 of an early Cimbal work, the Saint Anne altar picture in Vienna’s Barmherzigenkirche. The abbreviation “Zimbal i. VR” is traditionally interpreted as “In veneratione” with the explanation that the painter made the picture as a votive offering.) Cimbal always created a new composition out of the three letters, so it cannot have been his aim to make a recognizable constant “trade-mark”. (For this purpose he used his name with the customary addition “invenit et pinxit”.) The linking of the three letters is not just a customary formal solution as in monograms, but it has a meaning: it symbolizes the unity of the three divine persons, just as the circle in the triangle in Székesfehérvár.An extremely expressive iconographic solution needs special mention, applied almost to each of his depictions of the Holy Trinity in Hungary. It is the sceptre held by the three coeternal persons (hence it has extreme length). As it occurs so frequently, it cannot be part of an occasional client’s wish but much rather it is the painter’s invention. Perhaps a comprehensive examination of the entire oeuvre will discover further examples in support of the author’s hypothesis that the Holy Trinity was a particularly favourite theme of Cimbal. It was again his personal devotion that led him to use the Holy Trinity monogram.The motivation behind commissions for religious art works in the period was first of all the client’s personal religiosity. The religious motifs of the artists can usually only be inferred from indirect data and in connection with few works. One such sign is that for the duration of painting the frescoes Franz Anton Maulbertsch joined the Scapular Confraternity of Székesfehérvár, while the group portrait on the organ loft of Sümeg permits the assumption that he took part in the devotions of the Angelic Society founded by bishop Márton Padányi Biró. His pupil Johannes Pöckel who settled in Sümeg was a member of the local Confraternity of the Cord. Unfortunately, no information to this effect is known about Cimbal.His signature and Holy Trinity monogram testify that not only the client but also the painter offered his work to God.

VII. The Glazing of the Collegiate Church of the Holy Trinity, Tattershall (Lincs.): a Study of Late Fifteenth-century Glass-Painting Workshops

Archaeologia ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 106 ◽  
pp. 133-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Marks
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Holy Trinity ◽  
Parish Church ◽  
John The Baptist ◽  
Henry Vi ◽  
Late Fifteenth

Royal assent to the foundation in the parish church of Tattershall (Lincs.) of a college dedicated to the Holy Trinity, the Virgin, and SS. Peter, John the Baptist, and John the Evangelist was granted on 14th July 1439. The establishment was to consist of a Master or Warden, six priests, six clerks, and six choristers, and with an almshouse for thirteen paupers attached to the college, under the charge of the Master or Warden. The main purpose of the college was to pray for the souls of King Henry VI, Ralph, Lord Cromwell (the founder), and his parents, friends, and benefactors, and especially for the soul of his grandmother Maud Cromwell.

scholarly journals XIII.—Charters of Harmondsworth, Isleworth, Heston, Twickenham, and Hampton-on-Thames

Archaeologia ◽  
1903 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-358
Author(s):  
T. F. Kirby
Keyword(s):  
Holy Trinity ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Edward Iii ◽  
The Gift ◽  
A Cell ◽  
The Church ◽  
Edward I

The priory, church, and manor of Harmondsworth, near West Drayton, in Middlesex, with its subinfeudations of Padbury's, Barnard's, and Ludington's, belonged to the Benedictine convent of the Holy Trinity and St. Katherine at Rouen. Who gave them to that house I know not. Tanner merely says that the priory was a cell to the monastery at Rouen, and Dugdale is not more explicit. I see by the presentment of a Middlesex jury in Michaelmas Term, 44 Edward III., that Robert, then prior of Harmondsworth, held the church and two carucates of land by the gift of one (they do not say which) of the king's progenitors by the tenure of distributing weekly amongst the poor of the place three bushels of “wastyl” or best bread. The prior was indicted for that he had failed to distribute the bread during the last twenty years, and he pleaded, with what result does not appear, a charter of Privileges granted to the monks at Rouen by Henry II. and confirmed by Henry III. and Edward I.:Henricus Dei gracia Rex Anglie dux Normannie et Aquitanie et comes Andigavie archiepiscopis, etc. Salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse et presenti Carta confirmasse Abbati et Monachis Sancte Trinitatis sancteque Katherine de Monte Eothomagensi omnes donaciones elemosinarum terrarum et hominura, que facte sunt eis tarn in ecclesiis quam in rebus et possessionibus mundanis. Quare volumus et firmiter precipimus quod dicti Abbas et monachi et ministri eorum teneant et habeant omnes elemosinas et possessiones suos cum sacha et sacca et thol et theam et Infangeneþief cum omnibus libertatibus et liberis consue tudinibus et quietanciis suis in bosco et piano et pratis et pasturis in mariscis et piscariis in vivariis et stagnis. In aquis et molendinis. In virgultis et grangiis extra burgum et infra. In viis et semitis et in omnibus aliis rebus et aliis locis quietas liberas et solutas. de Sirra. et de liundredo et placitis et querelis et de murdro et de wapentaoha et scutagio et geldis et danegeldis. et assisis. et hidagiis. et de operacionibus pontium. et Castellorum et de Lerwite et de Hengewite et fleamcameswite. et de Blodewite et de fithwite. et de auerpeny. et hundredespeny et de Wardepeny. et quietas de omni Pontagio thelonio et passagio et lestagio et stalagio et de omni servicio seculari et servili opere et exaccione et de omnibus occasionibus et secularibus consuetudinibue. excepta sola justicia mortis et membroruni.

Jan van Eyck at London in 1428

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-175
Author(s):  
Colin Richmond
Keyword(s):  
Holy Trinity ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Village ◽  
Duke Of Burgundy ◽  
Local Detail

Abstract On the basis of reports that Jan van Eyck visited England (he was well traveled in the service of Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy), this essay speculates freely on what the diplomat and painter actually did in and around London for three weeks in 1428. The essay claims, for example, that van Eyck went to the village of Foots Cray to buy watercresses to use as models when painting greenery on the Ghent Altarpiece of the Mystic Lamb (which he completed in 1432). The recently erected gateway to the palace at Greenwich is said likewise to be the model for a towered gateway depicted on the altarpiece. After providing local detail about relevant parts of England in 1428, the essay closes with speculation (although the author writes, “The facts are known”) about the origin of a harp, of a purportedly Welsh variety, appearing on the altarpiece in the hands of an angel. The author argues that it was the instrument of an itinerant Breton musician whom van Eyck had heard in recital at the Poor Clares convent of the Holy Trinity at the Minories in Aldgate. The harpist subsequently murdered his Stepney landlady and was himself killed by enraged local housewives. Van Eyck is said to have purchased the man's harp when his worldly goods were posthumously sold.

scholarly journals Albrecht Dürer and the Beginnings of Czech Illustration

2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 45-55
Author(s):  
Petr Voit
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
The Sun ◽  
Graphic Art ◽  
Holy Trinity ◽  
Book Printing ◽  
John The Baptist ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Popular Books

This article deals with printed graphic sheets, cycles and illustrations by Albrecht Dürer, which penetrated into book printing in the Czech language (Nuremberg) and in Bohemia (Prague, Litomyšl) through original printing blocks as well as copies in the first half of the 16th century. Dürer’s graphic sheets were distributed by the Nuremberg printers Hieronymus Höltzel (1509, 1511) and Friedrich Peypus (1534), the Litomyšl printing workshop working for the Unity of the Brethren (Unitas fratrum) in Litomyšl (1520), and the so-called Severin Workshop, connected to the Prague printing workshop of Pavel Severin of Kapí Hora (1529, 1539). Eleven works of religious character associated with Dürer have been discovered among Czech illustrations so far – they were made by means of seven original printing blocks and four copies, which is not so much. In this respect, Dürer was greatly surpassed by his Nuremberg successor, Erhard Schön. After Schön died in 1542, the printer Jan Günther received roughly one quarter of workshop printing blocks (approximately 340 pieces). Two years later, he moved them to Moravia, where they were coming to life in Prostějov, then in Olomouc and eventually in popular books, brochures and broadsides from Skalice until the end of the 19th century. Dürer’s printing blocks that functioned in the context of Czech book printing depict: [1a] the Nativity, [2c] the apocalyptic Woman Clothed with the Sun, and [5a–e] the Saints (James the Greater, Peter, John the Evangelist, John the Baptist and Judas Thaddaeus). The following subjects were copied: [2b] the apocalyptic Woman Clothed with the Sun, [3b] Christ in the Garden of Gethsemane, [4c] Two Angels (Geniuses), and [6b] the Holy Trinity. The woodcut copies are not exact replicas. The poor artistry and craftsmanship of the copyists, whose names are not known, led to the omission of details. The problem is that the copyists were not trying to present Dürer’s graphic art but needed a cheap and simple acquisition of the biblical scene required. More detailed information on the printing blocks and copies is available in the catalogue attached.

scholarly journals Zur Motivierung der Ekklesionyme im Bistum Kielce

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 83-100
Author(s):  
Piotr A. Owsiński
Keyword(s):  
Jesus Christ ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Holy Ghost ◽  
Holy Trinity ◽  
Spiritual World ◽  
The People ◽  
The Catholic Church

On the motivation of ecclesionyms in the diocese of KielceThe article presents the results of the analysis of the names for churches in the diocese of Kielce. The examples are sorted because of that, they refer to: the Holy Trinity, Jesus Christ, the Holy Ghost, the Holy Family, the Mother of God and the Saints of the Catholic Church. The studies show that the names of the Saints are the most popular names of churches in the chosen area. The second group of the ecclesionyms, which enjoy increasing popularity, are the names referring to the Mother of God. The rest of the names seem to be rather rare.The ecclesionyms can be treated as the mirror in which the people see the tendencies of their faith. It is also possible to maintain that the names of the churches are kind a way to interpret the religiosity and spiritual world of the society.

Pleasing Spectacles and Elegant Dinners: Conviviality, Benevolence, and Charity Anniversaries in Eighteenth-Century London

2002 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Lloyd
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
School Children ◽  
Fund Raising ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Public Benefit ◽  
Parish Church ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Special Fund ◽  
Drury Lane

As the number and interests of charitable institutions expanded throughout Britain during the eighteenth century, so special fund-raising events, anniversary celebrations, and meetings multiplied. During 1775, for example, the major metropolitan charities and a plethora of minor benevolent societies courted middle- and upper-class Londoners with invitations to concerts and exhibitions. Men could support various hospitals and other good causes by dining in taverns and City Livery Halls in company with civic and ecclesiastical dignitaries, even noble and royal dukes. Both men and women might attend charities' anniversary services, ornamented with special music and a sermon, choosing among dispensaries, hospitals, lying-in charities, religious societies, and various efforts to reform and reclaim the poor for public benefit. On Sundays, armed with tickets, special prayer books, and even keys to their rented pews, women and men might attend the chapel of a philanthropic institution. Alternatively, they could listen to a fund-raising sermon and watch charity-school children arrayed in the gallery of a parish church. Toward the end of the year, they might pay half a guinea each to hear Handel's Messiah in the Foundling Hospital Chapel or go to Covent Garden and Drury Lane to watch tragedies and farces. Charitable activity thus extended beyond churches, alms, and sermons into the theater. It spilled onto the streets as gentlemen processed to dinner; it accompanied art and music. Conversely, waves of fashion drove visitors to one philanthropic institution or another to see deserving recipients, hear a particularly popular preacher, or to be observed themselves.

Some Notes on the Recusant Rolls of the Exchequer 1

1958 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 182-198
Author(s):  
Hugh Bowler
Keyword(s):  
Church Of England ◽  
Parish Church ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Common Prayer ◽  
The Church

Recusancy was the Elizabethan term for the refusal (Lat. recusare) to attend, in one's “parish church, chapel or usual place of common prayer”, the Edwardian services of the Church of England as established by the Act of Uniformity in 1559 (1 Eliz., cap. 2). Among the penalties prescribed by this same Act was a fine of 12d., to be levied by the churchwardens for every Sunday or festival on which a person omitted attendance. These forfeitures were allocated not to the Crown but “to the use of the poor of the parish”; consequently the Exchequer rolls, being concerned only with the revenue of the Crown, bear no record of them.

scholarly journals The Gates of Charity: Images of City and Community in the Early Modern Dutch Orphanage

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 1000-1020
Author(s):  
Hanneke van Asperen
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Mirror Image ◽  
Central Importance ◽  
Holy Ghost ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Civic Pride ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The City

In the seventeenth century, Dutch charitable institutions were the subject of international praise and the object of civic pride, and their public façades communicated a message of central importance to its citizens. In this essay, I examine the iconography of seventeenth-century “gates of charity,” focusing on the almoner’s orphanage in Gouda and the Holy Ghost orphanage in Leiden. I relate them to other orphanages in the Dutch Republic to show developments in their iconography. The façade decorations demonstrate the responsibilities of the city as benefactor, the expectations of its citizens and the supposed effects of charity upon the community. At the gates, the worlds of the rich and the poor collided. Here, charity could flourish making the community a mirror image of the heavenly realm. The gate portrays the perfect society as one that assists its poor and strengthens its communal ties.

scholarly journals Encyclical Laudato si’ on the Question of Progress

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-42
Author(s):  
Witold Kania
Keyword(s):  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Pope Francis ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
Holy Trinity ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Fundamental Significance ◽  
History Of ◽  
Material Progress ◽  
Political Decisions

Progress is one of the most recognizable characteristics of modern times. The present paper addresses the question of progress as the underlying theme of the encyclical Laudato si'. Progress has both good and bad sides. The latter are expressed in terms that have a fundamental significance to the encyclical, such as, “irrational faith in progress” and “the myth of unlimited material progress”. In order to gain a clearer understanding of those terms, the author begins with outlining the history of the idea of progress and the philosophical criterion for its assessment. Then, he provides a critical analysis of the technocratic paradigm embodying the false face of progress. Within this framework, progress is presented as imperative and unlimited. However, by placing man in the centre and reducing his purpose in life to a relativistic principle “use and throw away”, it leads to a global ecological, spiritual and cultural crisis. The following part of the paper is devoted to a new model of progress proposed by Pope Francis. This type of progress has both a vertical and horizontal dimension. Embedded in the Holy Trinity, it reaches its peak in Jesus Christ and it promotes human life and protects the work of creation. Its fruit is to be individual concern for the poor and greater justice between nations. It cannot be achieved without changing the mentality (conversion) and specific individual and political decisions. The last part of the article answers the question about the novelty of the model of progress proposed by Pope Francis.

scholarly journals Institute for History of Art, Zagreb

Ars Adriatica ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Gordana Sobota Matejčić
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Mary Magdalene ◽  
Holy Trinity ◽  
Parish Church ◽  
John The Baptist ◽  
Previous Decade ◽  
Santa Croce ◽  
X 32 ◽  
The Church ◽  
Francis Of Assisi

In 2005, during the composing of the Inventory of the Moveable Cultural Heritage of the Church and Monastery of St Francis of Assisi at Krk, three wooden statues were found in the attic. These had once belonged to a lavish Renaissance triptych at the centre of which was a figure of the Virgin (107 x 45 x 27 cm), flanked by the figures of St John the Baptist (c. 105 x 28 x 30 cm), an apostle with a book (c. 93 x 32 x 22 cm), and, in all likelihood, St James the Apostle. A trace of a small left foot in the Virgin’s lap indicates that the original composition was that of the Virgin and Child. It is highly likely that these statues originally belonged to the altar of St James which mentioned by Augustino Valier during his visitation of the Church of St Francis of Assisi in 1579 as having a pala honorifica . Harmonious proportions, fine modelling of the heads, beautifully and confidently carved drapery of the fabrics, together with almost classical gestures, all point to a good master carver who, in this case, sought inspiration in Venetian painting of the 1520s and 1530s. When attempting to find close parallels in the production of Venetian wood-carving workshops from the first half of the sixteenth century, without a doubt the best candidates are two signed statues from the workshop of Paolo Campsa de Boboti: the statue of the Risen Christ from the parish church of St Lawrence at Soave in Italy, dated to 1533, and the statue of the Virgin and Child in a private collection in Italy, dated to 1534. To these one can add a statue from the Gianfranco Luzzetti collection at Florence, which has been attributed to Campsa’s workshop. Judging from all the above, the statues from St Francis’ might be dated to the 1540s. In the parish church of Holy Trinity at Baška is a wooden triptych which, according to a nineteenth-century record, was inscribed with Campsa’s signature and the year 1514. When Bishop Stefanus David visited the Chapel of St Michael at Baška in 1685, he described in detail this wooden and carved palla on the main altar dedicated to St Michael, noting that the altar is under the patronage of the Papić family who had founded it and made considerable donations to it. The high altar in the Church of St Mary Magdalene at Porat, also on the island of Krk, has a polyptych attributed to Girolamo and Francesco da Santa Croce. Until now, it has been dated to 1556 - the year of the dedication of the altar and the church. However, more frequently than not, a number of years could pass between the furnishing of an altar and its dedication. With this in mind and having re-analyzed the paintings, the polyptych can be dated as early as the previous decade. Until now, the Renaissance statue of St Mary Magdalene (105 x 25 x 13 cm), originally part of an altar predella but today housed in the Monastery’s collection, was not discussed in the scholarly literature save for its iconography. Based on the morphological similarities between the statue of St Mary Magdalene and the three statues at Krk, it can be concluded that they were carved by the same master carver. Written sources inform us that after 1541 Paolo Campsa was no longer alive. Great differences between the works signed by Campsa have already been the subject of scholarly debate and it is known that due to high demand, his workshop included a number of highly skilled wood carvers. In the case of Krk, perhaps the master carver was an employee at Campsa’s workshop who outlived him and who, after its closure, went his own way and was considered good enough to be hired by fellow painters from the Santa Croce workshop. Installing a statue in a predella was a rare occurrence in sixteenth-century Croatia and Venice alike. Even in the case of Campsa. Reliefs were used more frequently. However, this arrangement was customary on contemporary flügelaltaren in the trans-Alpine north. It ought to be considered whether this northern altar design might provide a trail which would lead to a more specific location of a possible master carver.

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