scholarly journals Institute for History of Art, Zagreb

Ars Adriatica ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Gordana Sobota Matejčić

In 2005, during the composing of the Inventory of the Moveable Cultural Heritage of the Church and Monastery of St Francis of Assisi at Krk, three wooden statues were found in the attic. These had once belonged to a lavish Renaissance triptych at the centre of which was a figure of the Virgin (107 x 45 x 27 cm), flanked by the figures of St John the Baptist (c. 105 x 28 x 30 cm), an apostle with a book (c. 93 x 32 x 22 cm), and, in all likelihood, St James the Apostle. A trace of a small left foot in the Virgin’s lap indicates that the original composition was that of the Virgin and Child. It is highly likely that these statues originally belonged to the altar of St James which mentioned by Augustino Valier during his visitation of the Church of St Francis of Assisi in 1579 as having a pala honorifica . Harmonious proportions, fine modelling of the heads, beautifully and confidently carved drapery of the fabrics, together with almost classical gestures, all point to a good master carver who, in this case, sought inspiration in Venetian painting of the 1520s and 1530s. When attempting to find close parallels in the production of Venetian wood-carving workshops from the first half of the sixteenth century, without a doubt the best candidates are two signed statues from the workshop of Paolo Campsa de Boboti: the statue of the Risen Christ from the parish church of St Lawrence at Soave in Italy, dated to 1533, and the statue of the Virgin and Child in a private collection in Italy, dated to 1534. To these one can add a statue from the Gianfranco Luzzetti collection at Florence, which has been attributed to Campsa’s workshop. Judging from all the above, the statues from St Francis’ might be dated to the 1540s. In the parish church of Holy Trinity at Baška is a wooden triptych which, according to a nineteenth-century record, was inscribed with Campsa’s signature and the year 1514. When Bishop Stefanus David visited the Chapel of St Michael at Baška in 1685, he described in detail this wooden and carved palla on the main altar dedicated to St Michael, noting that the altar is under the patronage of the Papić family who had founded it and made considerable donations to it. The high altar in the Church of St Mary Magdalene at Porat, also on the island of Krk, has a polyptych attributed to Girolamo and Francesco da Santa Croce. Until now, it has been dated to 1556 - the year of the dedication of the altar and the church. However, more frequently than not, a number of years could pass between the furnishing of an altar and its dedication. With this in mind and having re-analyzed the paintings, the polyptych can be dated as early as the previous decade. Until now, the Renaissance statue of St Mary Magdalene (105 x 25 x 13 cm), originally part of an altar predella but today housed in the Monastery’s collection, was not discussed in the scholarly literature save for its iconography. Based on the morphological similarities between the statue of St Mary Magdalene and the three statues at Krk, it can be concluded that they were carved by the same master carver. Written sources inform us that after 1541 Paolo Campsa was no longer alive. Great differences between the works signed by Campsa have already been the subject of scholarly debate and it is known that due to high demand, his workshop included a number of highly skilled wood carvers. In the case of Krk, perhaps the master carver was an employee at Campsa’s workshop who outlived him and who, after its closure, went his own way and was considered good enough to be hired by fellow painters from the Santa Croce workshop. Installing a statue in a predella was a rare occurrence in sixteenth-century Croatia and Venice alike. Even in the case of Campsa. Reliefs were used more frequently. However, this arrangement was customary on contemporary flügelaltaren in the trans-Alpine north. It ought to be considered whether this northern altar design might provide a trail which would lead to a more specific location of a possible master carver.

Author(s):  
Monika Kamińska

The parish churches in Igołomia and Wawrzeńczyce were founded in the Middle Ages. Their current appearance is the result of centuries of change. Wawrzeńczyce was an ecclesial property – first of Wrocław Premonstratens, and then, until the end of the 18th century, of Kraków bishops. The Church of St. Mary Magdalene was funded by the Bishop Iwo Odrowąż. In 1393 it was visited by the royal couple Jadwiga of Poland and Władysław Jagiełło. In the 17th century the temple suffered from the Swedish Invasion, and then a fire. The church was also damaged during World War I in 1914. The current furnishing of the church was created to a large extent after World War II. Igołomia was once partly owned by the Benedictines of Tyniec, and partly belonged to the Collegiate Church of St. Florian in Kleparz in Kraków. The first mention of the parish church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary comes from the first quarter of the fourteenth century. In 1384, a brick church was erected in place of a wooden one. The history of the Igołomia church is known only from the second half of the 18th century, as it was renovated and enlarged in 1869. The destruction after World War I initiated interior renovation work, continuing until the 1920s.


Archaeologia ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 106 ◽  
pp. 133-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Marks

Royal assent to the foundation in the parish church of Tattershall (Lincs.) of a college dedicated to the Holy Trinity, the Virgin, and SS. Peter, John the Baptist, and John the Evangelist was granted on 14th July 1439. The establishment was to consist of a Master or Warden, six priests, six clerks, and six choristers, and with an almshouse for thirteen paupers attached to the college, under the charge of the Master or Warden. The main purpose of the college was to pray for the souls of King Henry VI, Ralph, Lord Cromwell (the founder), and his parents, friends, and benefactors, and especially for the soul of his grandmother Maud Cromwell.


1979 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 279-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Kitching

The church has always experienced great difficulty in ministering to those dwelling in the remotest parts of its parishes. In this paper I shall look briefly at how the sixteenth century church coped with the problem, and attempt to answer two questions: what facilities for worship were available in outlying districts, and what was the impact of the reformation changes upon them?Chapels abounded in England on the eve of the reformation. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that wherever he lived a parishioner could, without an unreasonably arduous journey, reach a place where mass was sung or said. Quite apart from matters of spiritual and moral discipline, it was important for very practical reasons that he should be able to get quickly to church. Disaster could take hold in villages and townships if the entire population had set off on a long hike to a remote parish church and was unlikely to return for some hours. Moreover, the length of the hike determined the extent of the diversion of labour from other pursuits, notably in the fields at harvest time: indeed, this was to influence government rulings on the number of saints’ days to be observed by the laity.


2015 ◽  
Vol 95 ◽  
pp. 251-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Byng

The contract for the building of the north aisle at St James’s Church, Biddenham, Bedfordshire, in 1522 is an exceptional document that escaped the surveys of L F Salzman, John Harvey and most later scholars. Unlike other surviving medieval building contracts, it is the rough draft of an indenture, showing the alterations and changes that were made before it was copied into a neat final version and sealed. By surveying these changes it is possible to delineate, for the first time, the process of negotiation engaged in by its patron, Sir William Butler, and the mason, John Laverok. Unusual too are the details it provides of Butler’s collaboration with the parish in building the well-constructed aisle that would bear his arms. This went further than simply defraying the cost of the work, and is of significance for our wider understanding of the organisation and financing of parish church construction in the sixteenth century. Most importantly, it demonstrates the breadth and complexity of forms that co-operation could take between gentry and parish, and shows that projects with the arms of a single family could nevertheless be funded collaboratively.


2004 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
pp. 283-328
Author(s):  
Michael Hall

Almost from the moment of its consecration, on 26 April 1876, the church of the Holy Angels at Hoar Cross in Staffordshire was spoken of as an exceptional building. There was more than local pride in a contemporary newspaper report of its unveiling, which declared it to be ‘one of the most beautiful churches in the kingdom … the dignity of the conception, the beauty of the proportion, and the elaborate care lavished on even the minutest detail, carry one back to those days which have left us such memorials as the Percy shrine or the Beauchamp chapel’. That perceptive reference to those medieval sources of inspiration suggests one of the reasons why the church made such an immediate impression. It was the first complete embodiment in a rural setting of a new ideal in the Gothic revival, which in the previous decade had turned its back on the exotic and eclectic style now called High Victorian and had returned to English architecture of the mid-fourteenth century as the point of departure for modern churches. At Hoar Cross, Bodley and Garner, the architectural partnership which had taken the lead in that movement, worked in close collaboration with an exceptional patron, Emily Meynell Ingram, to help realize a compelling new visual identity for the nineteenth-century Anglican parish church.


Zograf ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 115-129
Author(s):  
Branislav Todic

The history of the iconostasis in the central nave of the church in Decani can be divided into two periods. The icons of Christ, the Mother of God, John the Baptist and St. Nicholas on the original altar screen, painted around 1343, were related to the relics of King Stefan Decanski and with the wall painting in the church space in front of the altar. The removal of those icons at the end of the sixteenth century and their replacement with new ones explains the strengthening cult of St. Stefan Decanski. In 1577 an icon of St. Stephen was placed over the king?s portrait depicted in the fourteenth century fresco painting, and by 1593/1594, the new despotic icons of Christ and the Virgin were painted for the iconostasis, then an expanded Deesis that was placed above them, with a large cross fixed on the top. The central icons were painted by the painter Longin, and the cross is attributed to Andreja, a painter known for his frescoes from the seventh and eighth decade of the seventeenth century.


Author(s):  
Ágnes Gyetvainé Balogh

The church of Szigetmonostor, together with the parish building in front, and the late chanter house next to it, is the characteristic complex of its environment. Its plan with the middle tower façade solution is a classic example of Baroque church architecture of the eighteenth century. The most valuable part of the building is the late Baroque pulpit renovated while keeping its original appearance.Szigetmonostor – earlier Monostor – a municipality in Pest County on the Szentendre Island came into the possession of the Zichy family after the Turkish rule. In the 1730s, Ferenc Zichy put the tenure in pawn to Gábor Horányi, a servant judge in Pest County, who started greater developments here by building a castle (today the parish) and a church in the 1740s. The tower was built in front of the main façade a few years after the completion of the nave. The Vienna Court Chamber acquired the manor from the Zichy family in 1766 after a long lawsuit, also redeeming Monostor from the Horányi family. In 1774, the master masons Mihály János Hamon and Jakab Gföller were commissioned to survey the buildings of the manor, which came into the possession of the Crown from the Zichys. Their survey plans illustrate the church with the small teaching house and church garden next to it. During the 19th and 20th centuries, the church underwent several renewals and renovations and minor alterations that could be tracked with the help of records and Canonica Visitatios.


Ars Adriatica ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marija Kolega

Archaeological excavations in the complex of the Arch Parish Church of St Asel discovered an entire early Christian complex consisting of a north singlecellchurch and, to its south, a group of baptismal buildings which was soon transformed into a longitudinal building with an eastern apse. A number of remodelling interventions between the sixth and the eighth century confirm that the early Christian church and its baptistery survived the turbulent centuries of the Migration Period. The next major building phase was identified during the conservation works carried out on the church walls and there is no doubt that it occurred at the turn of the ninth century when the church became the cathedral of the Croatian bishop. Both churches, the north and the south, were provided with new stone furnishings while the baptismal font was altered so as to conform to the liturgical changes which were introduced into the baptismal rite. Archaeological evidence has demonstrated that the font remained in use until the sixteenth century when the apse of the south church was destroyed to make way for the chapel of Our Lady of Zečevo (1510-1530). The buildings to the south suffered a major destruction in 1780 when the Lady chapel was extended at the expense of its north wall which was torn down and the southern structure was cut in half.


1990 ◽  
Vol 104 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 123-139
Author(s):  
G.B. Krebber ◽  
G. Kotting

AbstractIt is not known where Jean Bellegambe, born circa 1470 in Douai, where he probably died in 1535/36, received his training. Artists in this region were exposed to influences from both Flanders and France. Bellegambe's stylistic development falls into two phases: the first (circa 1508 - circa 1 5 2 5) is rather archaistic, drawing on the school of Valenciennes (Marmion et al. and Provost); the second displays the more marked influence of Antwerp mannerism. The triptych discussed here, the Mystical Bath in Lille, made for the monastery at Anchin in view of the arms of the abbey and its abbot, Charles Coguin, on the wings, was only discovered in 1877. Comparison with Bellegambe's principal work, the polyptych The Holy Trinity, and the wings of the Immaculate Conception, both in Douai, has established it as his work. An examination of various published datings leads to the conclusion that this triptych is an example of the artist's second stylistic phase, which began in circa 1525, and was problably painted around that date. The association of the representation of 'Tons Pietatis' with the Office of the Holy Blood was based on the assumpion that the texts on Jean Bellegambe's Mystical Bath (a `Fons Pietatis' with bathing worshippers) derive from the Office ritual in Anchin. The texts however are literal quotations from the bible, the Office of the Holy Blood not being fixed in Bellgambe's day; the Anchin Office merits closer study. The idea that the cult of a relic of the Holy Blood in Anchin abbey may have influenced the iconography of at least the Mystical Bath is not supported by historical facts. Mâle's observation of a relationship between the Holy Blood cult and the representation of the 'Fons Pietatis' is thus reduced to a theologically underpinned assumption. Old and New Testament quotations with reference to the bible passages-not a new phenomenon as such may be connected with the renewed interest for the literal biblical text in the early sixteenth century. This suggests circa 1520 as the earliest date of the triptych. With his female figure of a repentant Mary Magdalene divesting herself of her garments and jewellery, Bellegambe introduces this theme into art. The motif and its combination with the `Fons Pietatis' motif seem to derive from religious drama, notably Jean Michel's Mystère de la Passion, performed in Mons in 1501. Although, in connection with the early sixteenth-century cult of Mary Magdalene, a revived interest in literal bible texts can be observed, it can not be demonstrated in Bellegambe's triptych. The fact that it was dccadcs before the jewellery-removing theme returned to art as an interior scene, may be due to Bellegambe's isolated position. The theological virtues and their attributes derive from a type developed in illuminated manuscripts of literary and philosophical texts, and may also have been inspired by the tableaux vivants enacted in Rouen and Amiens in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century. Coguin's contacts with the 'Clercs Parisiens' in Douai seem to be reflected in these iconographic details of the Mystical Bath. The representation is addressed to both the inmates of the abbey, who according to the rule of the order are speeding towards salvation, and the lay people, who could identify with the pseudo Mary Magdalene on the steps in front of the bath and a few non-clerical male figures. Owing to the lack of archive sources, the precise context of the piece cannot be ascertained.


Artifex Novus ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 76-95
Author(s):  
Irena Rolska

  SUMMARY Seweryn Józef Rzewuski was the son of Stanisław Mateusz Rzewuski (1662–1728), grand crown hetman and Belz voivode, and Ludwika Eleonora Kunicka (coat of arms: Bończa; d. 1749). He was the older brother of Wacław Piotr Rzewuski (1706–1779), grand crown hetman and castellan of Cracow. The main house of Seweryn Józef and Antonia from the Potocki Rzewuski was the castle in Olesko. Before 1745 the voivode carried out renovation works at the castle, decorating it with stuccos and sculptures. The main building Rzewuski founded was the church and Capuchin monastery located below the castle. The single-nave church has a double-span nave enclosed by two rows of lower, rectangular-shaped side chapels linked by narrow passages. The church has an austere, flat facade with one portal on the axis, typical for Polish Capuchin architecture. Monastery buildings were located on the northern side of the church. The wings of the monastery surrounded a rectangular inner viridary, uncommon for Capuchin monasteries. The monastery in Olesko was one of the most magnificent Polish Capuchin monasteries. Seweryn Józef and Antonina Rzewuski revered the blessed John of Dukla. This was manifested by their decision to found the building of a column dedicated to Blessed John of Dukla in Lviv in 1736. The Rzewuski kept good relations with the Greek Catholics from Chełm and the Chełm starosty. Rzewuski founded baroque side-altars for the orthodox church in Kanie, which are now in the local parish church. He was also one of the initiators of the coronation of the icon of Our Lady of Chełm. Seweryn Józef Rzewuski inherited Łęczna (1737), and as the city’s owner he began renovating the parish church of Saint Mary Magdalene, rebuilding the burned city hall, two market squares and establishing a third one. Rzewuski founded two new, baroque altars for the church. Two side-altars, the pulpit, baptismal font and two altars in side chapels remain until this day. The remains of the programme, that can be found on the altars, indicate a close link between the passion and eucharistic worship. In 1745 Seweryn Józef finished building and decorating a small, single-navechurch in Łuszczów. All aforementioned buildings and art founded by Seweryn Józef Rzewuski, except from the column dedicated to the blessed John of Dukla in Lviv, were located on territories which belonged to the voivode.


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