scholarly journals The chimera of the All-Russian»founder»and the collapse of the illusions of the Ukrainian Central Rada (end of 1917 – beginning of 1918)

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 82-92
Author(s):  
Valentyn Ivanenko
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Social Progress ◽  
Rapid Decline ◽  
Research Perspective ◽  
The Public ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
National Liberation Movement ◽  
Democratic Procedure

The article deals with an interesting but insufficiently and not clearly enough discussed in the historiographical process research perspective, which is related to the reconstruction, from the present day viewpoint, of the efforts and attempts of the national political elite to implement the idea of state autonomy of Ukraine through the mechanism of the so-called All-Russian Constituency (Constituent Assembly) during the existence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UNR) and taking into account the choice of the model of democratic social progress in the late 1917 – early 1918. This storyline is considered in the context of political activity of the Central Rada and its leaders M. Hrushevsky, V. Vinnychenko, other participants of the national-liberation movement of the Ukrainian Revolution (I. Mazepa, D. Doroshenko, etc.), implementation of certain steps to legitimize this institute as the supreme body of government and governance on the territory of Ukraine of that time, the consolidation of the political party on the basis of the traditions and experience of national government.Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of universals of the Central Rada in the course of strengthening its power positions, search and realization of the optimal formula of national and territorial autonomy of Ukraine, exercisingits right of final approval as the All-Russian "founder" (2nd Universal), formation of the UNR (3rd Universal) etc. The article makes an emphasis on the aggravation of the UNR relations with the Bolshevik government of Russia as a result of its ultimatum to the Rada and the unleashing of war against the UNR.The results of the elections in Ukraine which took place before the All-Russian and Ukrainian Constituent Assembly are described in the article. In addition, the rating of the main political forces in the regional dimension, first to be formed through such a democratic procedure, is studied. The substantiated conclusion is made about the actual failure of the phenomenon of the Constituency being dismissed by the Bolshevik government as a long-awaited tool in the public and political sphere for resolving the Ukrainian issue, the rapid decline in society under pressure of many factors of authority and influence of the Central Rada, the final collapse of its illusions to achieve a real autonomy of Ukraine under Moscow’s supervision.

scholarly journals Public and legal activities of a lawyer S. Kadyrbaev

2021 ◽  
Vol 134 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-106
Author(s):  
E. B. Saktaganova ◽  
◽  
Y. Y. Sailaubai ◽  
N. D. Chetin ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Literature ◽  
Legal Protection ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Active Member ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Forces

This article examines activities of a lawyer, translator Seidazym Kulmukhameduly Kadyrbayev and his training and academic performance under the tsarist government. He received a pedagogical education but began his career as a translator in the legal system. And this is no accident, as at that time the traditional way of life of the Kazakh people was undergoing changes. His career advancement was studied with the help of archival data. A review of the scientific literature was made for a more detailed study of the topic of the sociopolitical life and Seidazym Kadyrbayev’s activities. There was carried out a comparative analysis of information from archives and scientific literature of Russia and Kazakhstan. The results of the analysis reveal facts from Seidazym Kadyrbayev’s life that have been unknown to the public. It was also revealed that friendship with Kazakh intelligence was the basis for his further development and cooperation with political forces aimed at protecting the political and civil interests of the people at the beginning of the XX century, during the revival of political activity in the empire. The article assesses S. Kadyrbayev’s role as an active member of the political organization «Alash-Orda» and his ability to advance in the legal field, to be a competent and qualified employee, despite the lack of special legal knowledge. Seidazym Kadyrbayev contributed to the legal protection of the illiterate population by translating several laws from Russian into Kazakh and adapting them to the Kazakh way of life. He also translated into Kazakh several works in the field of jurisprudence.

scholarly journals Negotiating the Post-Revolution Constitution for Tunisia – Members of the National Constituent Assembly Share Their Experiences

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 235
Author(s):  
Abrak Saati
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Pertinent Question ◽  
Rules Of The Game

Though the Tunisian transition to democracy faces challenges seven years following the 2011 revolution and four years following the enactment of the new constitution, the country still constitutes a ‘success story’, especially in comparison to neighbouring states that were also touched by the Arab Uprisings. This paper takes an interest in exploring the Tunisian constitution-making process, and especially the political elite negotiated compromises that took place in the National Constituent Assembly. How were Tunisian religious and secular political forces able to unite and compromise on a constitutional document; what motivated their actions during the constitutional talks? Ideologies, rational pragmatism, self-serving interests or something else? This is a pertinent question that has bearing for other states that are in transition from authoritarian rule, in which religious and secular political parties are struggling to draft the political rules of the game anew. This is a qualitative study, based on interviews with political representatives, from a broad range of Tunisian political parties, who were part of the constitutional negotiations. Their responses suggest that pragmatism and rationality took precedence over ideological positions during the negotiations, and that this was indispensable for a draft to be produced. Despite this, the study argues that ideologies were likely not irrelevant in the minds of the political elites who were negotiating the post-revolution constitution, and that previous agreements and discussions among these elites that were, in fact, based on ideological positions, facilitated the constitutional negotiations that took place in the aftermath of the ousting of Ben-Ali.

scholarly journals Telegram as a Means of Political Communication and its use by Russia’s Ruling Elite

Politologija ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 95 (3) ◽  
pp. 83-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexey Salikov
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Ambivalent Attitude

This article examines the use of Telegram as a means of political communication by the ruling political elite in Russia (both external, i.e., communication with the society and other political forces, and internal, i.e., between different, often rival, groups within the elite itself). While Telegram is illegal at the official level, and attempts have been made to block it in Russia since April 2018, unofficially the Russian authorities continue to actively use Telegram channels for political communication and influencing public opinion as well as for monitoring the mood of the public. What is the reason for this ambivalent attitude toward Telegram? What makes it so attractive for the Russian establishment? How are the authorities using Telegram for their own purposes? Answering these questions is the main goal of this study.

scholarly journals UKRAINIAN ISSUES AND SUPPORT OF CENTRAL RADA IN KHERSON PROVINCE

2020 ◽  
pp. 83-90
Author(s):  
Olha Yadlovska
Keyword(s):  
City Government ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
City Community ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
National Organizations ◽  
General Secretariat ◽  
The City

The article highlights and analyses the attitude of the public of the city of Kherson and Kherson Governorate to the events of 1917–1918, including the period of activity of the Ukrainian Central Rada, the attempt to fight for power by the Provisional Government and the Bolsheviks’ resistance to the process of becoming Ukrainian forces. Attention is paid to the characteristics of the meetings, congresses of the region, which were aimed at demonstrating the attitude of the political forces and local authorities of the Kherson region to the main state-political acts of the period — the Universals of the Central Rada and the reaction to the Temporary Instruction to the General Secretariat of the Provisional Government in Ukraine. During the mentioned period, the Kherson District Meetings, the Regional Congress of Farmers and the Provincial Ukrainian National Congress were held. In general, representatives of these meetings supported the Central Rada and the autonomy of Ukraine. The opposition to the Ukrainian issue was the Kherson Revolutionary Council, the Council of Rural Deputies of the Kherson province, negatively held the Ukrainian congresses, and also opposed the broad representation of national minorities at these meetings. Attention is drawn to the political activity of the city community, in particular, the city government, as well as officials authorized by heads of public institutions of the city. The main directions of activity of national Ukrainian forces are described: Unions of Ukrainian national organizations, “Ukrainian House”, which later became “Enlightenment” and others. It is noted that the Kherson public supported the activities of the Central Rada, demanded the inclusion of the Governorate under the jurisdiction of the General Secretariat, opposing the Provisional Instruction of the Provisional Government. The Ukrainian forces of the Kherson province were at the organizational stage of activity.

The Influence of Modern Party System on the Development of Parliamentarism in Russia: Institutional, Political and Psychological Aspects

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 266-273
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Palitai
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Party System ◽  
Psychological Aspects ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
Voting System ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Opinion Polls

The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.

From Circles to Parties. Genesis of Party System in Russia in the Beginning of 20th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 464-470
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Solovyov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Party System ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
The Public ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
In The Beginning

The article is devoted to the general patterns of political parties formation in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. They were preceded by proto-party organizations that were far from being ideologically monolithic. Under the conditions of rapid differentiation of political forces, the existing alliances were often accidental and situational. They hung on to the legacy of the pre-revolutionary era, when the public was just “learning” to talk about politics, and the boundaries between different ideological structures were quite rather relative.

The 1972 Elections

1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
H. G. Nicholas
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Data Gathering ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Constitution ◽  
The Public ◽  
Pressure Groups ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
American Elections ◽  
To Come

Elections satisfy both the practical and the theoretical requirements of classical democratic theory if they answer one question only: Who shall rule? Judged by this test the American elections of 7 November 1972 returned as clear and unequivocal an answer as the United States Constitution permits – crystal-clear as to individuals, equivocal as to parties and political forces. But the student of politics and society cannot resist treating elections as data-gathering devices on a wide range of other questions, on the state of the public mind, on the relative potency of pressure groups, on the internal health of the political parties, and, of course, on the shape of things to come. In this ancillary role American elections, despite the generous wealth of statistical material which they throw up – so much more detailed and categorized (though often less precise) than our own – Suffer in most years from one severe limitation, a limitation which in 1972 was particularly conspicuous; they do not engage the interest of more than a moderate percentage of the American citizenry. In 1972 that percentage was as low as 55 per cent, i.e. out of an estimated eligible population of 139,642,000 only 77,000,000 went to the polls. Since this circumscribes the conclusions which can be drawn from the results themselves, as well as constituting a phenomenon of considerable intrinsic interest, it seems worthwhile to begin any examination of the 1972 elections by an analysis not of the votes counted but of those which were never cast.

Corporate Politics in the Public Sphere: Corporate Citizenspeak in a Mass Media Policy Contest

2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Nyberg ◽  
John Murray
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Mining Industry ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Corporate Political Activity ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Public Sphere

This article connects the previously isolated literatures on corporate citizenship and corporate political activity to explain how firms construct political influence in the public sphere. The public engagement of firms as political actors is explored empirically through a discursive analysis of a public debate between the mining industry and the Australian government over a proposed tax. The findings show how the mining industry acted as a corporate citizen concerned about the common good. This, in turn, legitimized corporate political activity, which undermined deliberation about the common good. The findings explain how the public sphere is refeudalized through corporate manipulation of deliberative processes via what we term corporate citizenspeak—simultaneously speaking as corporate citizens and for individual citizens. Corporate citizenspeak illustrates the duplicitous engagement of firms as political actors, claiming political legitimacy while subverting deliberative norms. This contributes to the theoretical development of corporations as political actors by explaining how corporate interests are aggregated to represent the common good and how corporate political activity is employed to dominate the public sphere. This has important implications for understanding how corporations undermine democratic principles.

Contemporary Plagues and Social Progress

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 458-461
Author(s):  
Thomas H. Weller
Keyword(s):  
Infectious Disease ◽  
Infectious Diseases ◽  
Malignant Disease ◽  
Diarrheal Disease ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Social Progress ◽  
The Public ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Health Field ◽  
Opening Session

For this address at the opening session of the First Mexican National Congress of Infectious Diseases in Children (ler, Congreso National de Infectologia Pediatrica), I have chosen as my title "Contemporary Plagues and Social Progress." While in medicine the term plague usually refers to diseases caused by Pasteurella pestis, the word has broader meanings and usages. It describes that which smites or troubles, can refer to an afflictive evil or anything troublesome or vexatious, or can be applied to any malignant disease, especially those that are contagious. It can be used as an expression of annoyance, as a mild oath, or with the implication of harassment. Thus, today we are concerned with the plague of plagues, the afflictive evils of the cumulative insults of infectious disease. Additionally, we might be tempted to cast a plague on the system of medical education and on the political process that neither conveys the continuing importance of infectious diseases nor funds the mechanisms for their containment. Or, should the shoe be on the other foot? Should not society cast a plague on us? As experts in the field of infectious disease, have we not failed to publicize that, on a global basis, the combination of diarrheal disease and malnutrition is the leading cause of death in infants and children? Has not our successful use of antibiotics induced unjustified public complacency regarding the problems of infectious disease? Why have our low-keyed reports of resistant typhoid bacilli, or pneumococci or of gonococci failed to dispel the prevalent mystique that science has controlled infectious agents, leaving cancer and heart disease in the public eye as the major unconquered problems in the health field?

scholarly journals Analysis of corporate political activity strategies of the food industry: evidence from France

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (18) ◽  
pp. 3407-3421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa Mialon ◽  
Jonathan Mialon
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Food Industry ◽  
Evidence Base ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Health Issues ◽  
Sources Of Information ◽  
Corporate Political Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Health Related ◽  
Different Sources

AbstractObjectiveTo identify the corporate political activity (CPA) of major food industry actors in France.DesignWe followed an approach based on information available in the public domain. Different sources of information, freely accessible to the public, were monitored.Setting/SubjectsData were collected and analysed between March and August 2015. Five actors were selected: ANIA (Association Nationale des Industries Agroalimentaires/National Association of Agribusiness Industries); Coca-Cola; McDonald’s; Nestlé; and Carrefour.ResultsOur analysis shows that the main practices used by Coca-Cola and McDonald’s were the framing of diet and public health issues in ways favourable to the company, and their involvement in the community. ANIA primarily used the ‘information and messaging’ strategy (e.g. by promoting deregulation and shaping the evidence base on diet- and public health-related issues), as well as the ‘policy substitution’ strategy. Nestlé framed diet and public health issues, and shaped the evidence base on diet- and public health-related issues. Carrefour particularly sought involvement in the community.ConclusionsWe found that, in 2015, the food industry in France was using CPA practices that were also used by other industries in the past, such as the tobacco and alcohol industries. Because most, if not all, of these practices proved detrimental to public health when used by the tobacco industry, we propose that the precautionary principle should guide decisions when engaging or interacting with the food industry.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document