scholarly journals National and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism in the Balkan states

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-77
Author(s):  
O. V. Sharan
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
New States ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
Mechanism Of Recognition

The article firstly identifies and reveales the essence of national and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism that have been applied in the Balkan states, in particular, in Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The national mechanisms of suppression of separatism include legal, financial, administrative, information mechanisms, and among the international political mechanisms are international legal mechanisms, the mechanism of recognition or non-recognition of the independence of new states, international financial and economic instruments. The study showed the dynamics of the most important events that took place in the Balkans after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, in particular during the Croatian War of Independence in 1991-1995, the Bosnian War in 1992–1995, and during Kosovo’s struggle for independence from Serbia. The revival of separatist movements in the Balkan Peninsula began as a result of the overthrow of the communist regimes and the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in Central and Eastern Europe in the 90’s of the twentieth century. The interethnic distrust and constant tension became one of the reasons for the beginning of the civil wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Moreover, the article characterized the concept of «Great Albania», which involves the reunification of all the territories where the Albanian ethnic group lives. Several regions of Macedonia, Montenegro, the Epirus region in Greece and Kosovo should be part of the «Greater Albania». Furthermore, the study considers the experience of suppression of separatism of Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the possibility of its use in Ukraine and other countries where separatist tendencies dominate, in order to avoid human victims, preserve territorial integrity and inviolability of borders. Consequently, separatism is a dangerous phenomenon that contains an enormous threat to the national security and territorial integrity, since it is related to the change of borders of the existing states and creation of the new countries on the political map of the world.

The Muslim Experience in the Balkan States, 1919–19911

2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Poulton
Keyword(s):  
Minority Populations ◽  
Southeast Europe ◽  
Orthodox Christian ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Muslim Minority ◽  
New States ◽  
The One ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
Balkan States

During the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire retreated from the Balkans, and underwent a steady decline culminating in its final demise in the early part of the twentieth century. Sizeable communities of Muslims, derived both from those who had arrived with the Ottomans and from indigenous inhabitants who had converted to Islam, remained in the new successor states of southeast Europe. With the exception of Albania, where the Muslims formed the majority of the population, these communities became established as minorities within the new states. Upheld as ethno-national states each based on one dominant nation, the new states suffered from irredentism on the one hand, and internal tension between majority and minority populations on the other. Tension was particularly evident in the relations between the new Orthodox Christian rulers and their Muslim minority populations, which were seen as undesirable relics from the Ottoman past. In spite of such attitudes and the continuing waves of emigration, however, these Muslim communities remain an integral part of the present-day Balkans.

scholarly journals The Politics of Memory as an Instrument of the Formation of National States in the Balkans: Achievements and Mistakes

2018 ◽  
pp. 154-166
Author(s):  
V. Rozumjuk
Keyword(s):  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Memory Studies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Version ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
High Conflict ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
National Mythology

The article is devoted to the study of the politics of memory as an instrument of the formation of national states in the Balkans. The basic historiography of the memory studies is analyzed; features ofthe politics of memory in the leading countries of the Balkan Peninsula are highlighted. The author defines the thirst for grandeur, the emphasis on historical heredity, the call for struggle and the victimcomplex as the main features of the politics of memory and the national mythology of the Balkan states, which determine the high conflict potential of the “memory wars” in this region. It is emphasized a danger of a local version of the “provincial imperialism”, as the political megalomania of ruling elites has repeatedly led to horrible wars and national disasters.

scholarly journals Bosnia and Herzegovina as a Historical Balkan Bridge Between Cultures, Religions and Nations

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 545-559
Author(s):  
Aleksandr V. Savchenko ◽  
Mikhail S. Khmelevskii
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Contemporary Culture ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Slavia Orthodoxa ◽  
The One ◽  
The Third World ◽  
First Time

Given article presents an overview and analysis of the facts of the crossing of the Slavic, Oriental and European cultures in the very center of the Balkan Peninsula, as well as the connection of the Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim (Islamic) worlds and mentality in the historical retrospective of Bosnia and Herzegovina, its culture, ethnography and language. Special attention is paid to the specific moments of modern political life, socio-demographic problems, as well as to the peculiarities of the national mentality, traditions and customs of different peoples (formed as a result of confessional differences), living on the territory of modern Bosnia and Herzegovina. On this basis we try to present the specifics and uniqueness of this region: on the one hand, the Slavonic one, and on the other, not being such in the traditional and direct meaning of this word. Along with these questions, stereotyped views of the peoples of the former Yugoslavia on the Muslim part of the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, their actual implementation in contemporary culture, literature and language, as well as their transformation as a result of the crucial political events of the 1990s, are also considered. In the article it is concluded for the first time that apart from the notions Slavia Orthodoxa and Slavia Romana, traditionally accepted in the science about the Slavs, from the XVI century, the third world - Slavia Muslim with its mentality, culture, religion and language has started to form in the Balkans.

scholarly journals Why Should The Role Of The Peace Implementation Council And OHR Continue In Bosnia And Herzegovina?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teoman Ertuğrul Tulun
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
General Framework ◽  
Intention To Use ◽  
Framework Agreement ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
The Past ◽  
Representative Office ◽  
Balkan State

After the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) gained its independence with a referendum held in 1992. Bosniacs, Bosnian Croats, and Bosnian Serbs were the main sides of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The war caused more than 100,000 deaths and hundreds of thousands of injuries, War ended with the agreement reached and initialed on 21 November 1995... The General Framework Agreement for Peace (GFAP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina created a delicate balance between constituent peoples. Due to a unique state system involving complex procedures, it was envisaged to appoint a High Representative with the authority to resolve the civil matters of GFAP.. A Peace Implementation Council (PIC) and its Steering Board were also constituted., Turkey is a member in the PIC Steering Board.. PIC in its meting held in Bonn in 1997 welcomed the High Representative’s intention to use their final authority regarding interpretation of the Agreement on the Civilian Implementation of the GFAP to facilitate the resolution of difficulties by making binding decisions, as they judge necessary. These powers were called as "Bonn Powers".. The analysis defends the view that to preserve the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the BiH the PIC and the High Representative Office should continue with the Bonn Powers.. It suggests that Turkey, as a member of the PIC Steering Board, has the ability as well as the responsibility as a Balkan state with exceptional ties with BIH, to influence the shaping of the decisions to be taken regarding the continuation of OHR.. The analysis also proposes that Turkey, as it did in the past, should staunchly defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of BiH and must strongly oppose the approaches that aim to dismember BiH.

The meaning of Independence Day for the new Balkan states

2019 ◽  
pp. 110-123
Author(s):  
Irina Rudneva
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Semantic Content ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Legal Proceedings ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
External Relations ◽  
New States ◽  
Internal Relations ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
Independent Existence

The article discusses the question of how Independence Day is celebrated in the new Balkan states, what semantic content these countries invest in it and how events of the past are reflected in the process of creating modern state and national traditions. The new states in the Balkans are rebuilding both internal relations within the country and the system of external relations. The celebration of Independence Day becomes a link between the promises of political leaders and the expectations and reactions of the citizens of a particular state to the annual evaluation of their independent existence. At the regional and international level, this celebration is a kind of demonstration of the validity of the chosen path of development. However, there are regions in the Balkans whose independence is controversial from the viewpoint of international law. Nevertheless, this does not prevent them from staging magnificent celebrations and receiving salutations from all over the world. This holiday, which should seemingly play a consolidating role, can in fact cause serious disagreements that call into question the country’s independence. Thus, even through legal proceedings, it is not possible to work out a clear criterion for celebrating this day.

scholarly journals Symptoms of PTSD in Frontline Journalists: A Retrospective Examination of 18 Years of War and Conflict

2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (9) ◽  
pp. 629-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Feinstein ◽  
Jonas Osmann ◽  
Viral Patel
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Ptsd Symptoms ◽  
Impact Of Event Scale ◽  
Event Scale ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
War And Conflict ◽  
The Mean ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
Election Violence

Objective: The objective of the current study was to determine the frequency and severity of symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in journalists covering conflict. Methods: PTSD data (Impact of Event Scale–Revised) collected over an 18-year period from 684 conflict journalists were analyzed retrospectively for frequency and severity of reexperiencing, avoidance, and arousal symptoms. Conflicts covered were civil wars in the Balkans ( n = 140 journalists), 9/11 attack in New York City ( n = 46), Iraq war ( n = 84), Mexico drug wars ( n = 104), civil war in Syria ( n = 59), Kenya election violence/Al-Shabab terror ( n = 57), state-sanctioned media intimidation in Iran ( n = 114), and the current migration crisis in Europe ( n = 80). Results: The mean age of the sample was 38.59 (SD = 8.35) years, 461 (67%) journalists were men, and the mean duration of conflict work was 13.42 (SD = 7.74) years. The 5 most frequently endorsed symptoms were in the reexperiencing/intrusion category. Mean intrusion (1.31, SD = 0.97), avoidance (1.08, SD = 0.89), and arousal (1.07, SD = 0.96) scores for the entire sample were in the mild range. Being female and less educated independently predicted PTSD symptoms. Conclusions: PTSD phenomenology in a group of conflict journalists with well over a decade of frontline experience is dominated by reexperiencing symptoms. While symptom severity is for the most part mild, group means can obscure those individuals with significantly more severe difficulties.

Islam and Nationalism in Modern Greece, 1821-1940

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanos Katsikas
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Greek Orthodox ◽  
Independent State ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
Muslim Minorities

Drawing from a wide range of primary archival and secondary Greek, Bulgarian, and Turkish sources, the book explores the way the Muslim populations of Greece were ruled by state authorities from Greece’s political emancipation from the Ottoman Empire in the 1820s up to the country’s entrance into World War II, in October 1940. In particular, the book examines how state rule influenced the development of the Muslim populations’ collective identity as a minority and how it affected Muslim relations with the Greek authorities, Greek Orthodox Christians, and other ethnic and religious groups. Greece was the first country to become an independent state in the Balkans and a pioneer in experimenting with minority issues. With regards to its Muslim populations, Greece’s ruling framework, and many of the country’s state administrative measures and patterns were to serve as a template at a later stage in other Christian Orthodox Balkan states with Muslim minorities (e.g., Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, Cyprus): Muslim religious officials were empowered with authorities they did not have in Ottoman times, and aspects of Islamic law (sharia) were incorporated into the state legal system to be used for Muslim family and property affairs. The book shows that these and any policies can be ambivalent and cannot be a guide to present-day solutions. It also argues that religion remained a defining element and that religious nationalism and public institutions played an important role in the development of religious and ethnic identity.

Post-Byzantine hermeneiai zographikes in the eighteenth century and their dissemination in the Balkans during the nineteenth century

2006 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-79
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Moutafov
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Eighteenth And Nineteenth Centuries

This article focuses on the significance of the Orthodox painters’ manuals, called hermeneiai zographikes, in the development of post-Byzantine iconography and painting technology and techniques in the Balkans during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Using a number of unpublished painters’ manuals (Greek and Slavonic) as primary sources for the study of Christian and Ottoman culture in the Balkan peninsula, it is possible to examine perceptions of Europe in the Balkans, in particular the principal routes for the transmission of ideas of the European Enlightenment, as well as the role of artists as mediators in the processes of ‘Europeanization'.

scholarly journals To What Extent Did Assumptions About Local Ethnic Identities, Fostered Amongst UN Officials During the Bosnia Mission, Frame Their Policies for the Kosovo Mission?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Bojan Jankovic
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Ethnic Identities ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Structural Formation ◽  
Post War ◽  
Complex Relationships

<p>This thesis focuses on the role of an international actor - United Nations (UN) - and its missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMBiH) during 1992-1995 and Kosovo (UNMIK) in the post war conflict period of peace building. It scrutinizes the tenor of UN peace building missions in these territories by analysing the scope of the policies introduced and the effectiveness (or ineffectiveness) of the international actors' activities during the times of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) before the conflict in Kosovo and Metohija (KiM); and the current situation in these two territories. The thesis will also argue that the ethnic identities played a critical role in relation building between the UN and ethnic groups, where the one ethnic group (Serbs) was recognised as a crucial factor for the conflict's escalation and development. A further focus in this thesis is not only to provide constructive discussion of the ineffectiveness of policies and missions introduced by International Actors (IA) but also to challenge the UN and IA's decision for non-intervention in BiH and to address the consequence of subsequent humanitarian-military intervention in KiM. This paper outlines an analysis of the lack of literature relating to the historical-sociological perspective of the ethnic groups' in BiH. The lack of understanding of the complex relationships among the ethnicities is an additional gap. This is exacerbated by the lack of understanding of the complex relationships among the ethnicities, within itself, as well as the differences among the groups within each ethnic group. It appears that the literature is unable to acknowledge the structural formation of societies in BiH, and to make proper segmentation in understanding the particular group of people (Rex, 2001) as a collection of peoples with different sociological characteristics combined into something called 'ethnicity'. The handicap of such literature leads to the categorisation and generalisation of ethnicities; not at one particular area of an ethnic group's presence but to the generalisation of the peoples' ethnicities (all Serbs are barbarous, similar to the Germans after WWII). This paper argues that such generalisations developed the notion that the particular ethnic group (Serbs) has an 'evil' character, regardless of the territorial occupation (Bosnia as well as Serbia and Diaspora). In addition, the lack of recognising Serbs as a people composed of different individual (local) ethnic groups led to the global generalisation about Serbs. And yet, such generalisations, by the modern western actors, i.e. UN, EU (European Union) and USA (United States of America), led to the employment of negative assumptions about the Serbs which served as a tool for, and added impetus to, the implementation of a strategy to achieve the Western objectives of the devaluation of Serbian dominance in Bosnia and across the Balkan Peninsula. Therefore the quality of literature, in addressing the questions about the conflict in BiH and later KiM, beside its attempts to offer some sustainable answers, remains inadequate and poor. This unsubstantiated position, offered by many involved in former-Yugoslavian conflict discussions, to offer an informed conclusion, persists as a never-ending debate. Yet, the discourse about the guilty factor in BiH and KiM remains in the shape of the 'evil' Serbian nation.</p>

scholarly journals Czech language and the traditional culture in the multiethnic environment (results of the field research of 2019 in Serbia, Romania, Bosnia and Herzegovina)

2021 ◽  
pp. 310-328
Author(s):  
Sergej A. Borisov
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Mother Tongue ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Folk Culture ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Language Data ◽  
First Results ◽  
History Of

The article provides an overview of a field study conducted among Czechs in Serbia, Romania, Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2019. The first results are presented, samples of transcribed texts are given. The purpose of the expedition was to collect narratives for the proper linguistic study of contact elements, conversations were conducted, among other things, about the history of the resettlement of Czechs to the Balkans, about folk culture, and interaction with other Slavic and non-Slavic ethnic groups. In the three regions studied, the Czech language remains unevenly due to a number of linguistic and extralinguistic factors. There are very few Czechs left in Bosnia and Herzegovina; Czech is the mother tongue only for elder people living in rural areas. In Serbia, there are several schools where Czech language and culture are taught, and in Romania there are schools where in the primary grades all subjects are taught in Czech. The collected language data is a valuable source for studying local Czech dialects and contact phenomena (borrowings, code-switching). The metalinguistic comments used by informants when they have difficulties in their Czech language during a conversation with a researcher are of particular interest to sociolinguistics.

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