Pachappa Camp

2018 ◽  
Vol 95 (3) ◽  
pp. 46-56
Author(s):  
Edward T. Chang ◽  
Hannah Brown
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Sense Of Community ◽  
The United States ◽  
Korean American ◽  
Korean Immigrants ◽  
Employment Agency ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
Cooperative Association ◽  
The City ◽  
The U.S

Ahn Chang Ho (also known by his pen name, Dosan) moved to Riverside, California, in March 1904 and soon established the first Koreatown on the U.S. mainland, known as Dosan's Republic or Pachappa Camp. Dosan helped found a local employment agency and negotiated relations with citrus farmers to find work for Koreans who lived in the community. With steady work available, Riverside became a popular destination for Korean immigrants and was thus an ideal location for the Gongnip Hyeophoe, or Cooperative Association, which Dosan created to foster a sense of community. The Gongnip Hyeophoe later expanded to Korean settlements throughout California and eventually developed into the Korean National Association, which proved especially significant in organizing immigrants to fight for Korea's independence in the wake of Japanese colonization in 1910. Pachappa Camp helped anchor its residents’ identity and supported Koreans’ struggles to support themselves and to fight for Korean sovereignty. The experiences of the Koreans in Pachappa Camp reflected not only exceptional moments in Korean American history, as the first Koreatown in the United States and one of the seats of the independence movement, but also the ubiquitous experiences that typified immigrant lives in the United States. The City of Riverside erected a statue of Ahn Chang Ho in 2001, and designated the original site of the camp as a “Point of Cultural Interest” in 2017, to honor Dosan and to teach about his legacy and connection to Riverside. Because the historic Koreatown no longer exists, the designation and statue stand as the only remembrances of this pioneering community.

scholarly journals Emergence of an early SARS-CoV-2 epidemic in the United States

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Zeller ◽  
Karthik Gangavarapu ◽  
Catelyn Anderson ◽  
Allison R. Smither ◽  
John A. Vanchiere ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New Orleans ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Regional Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mardi Gras ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The City ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
The U.S

AbstractThe emergence of the early COVID-19 epidemic in the United States (U.S.) went largely undetected, due to a lack of adequate testing and mitigation efforts. The city of New Orleans, Louisiana experienced one of the earliest and fastest accelerating outbreaks, coinciding with the annual Mardi Gras festival, which went ahead without precautions. To gain insight into the emergence of SARS-CoV-2 in the U.S. and how large, crowded events may have accelerated early transmission, we sequenced SARS-CoV-2 genomes during the first wave of the COVID-19 epidemic in Louisiana. We show that SARS-CoV-2 in Louisiana initially had limited sequence diversity compared to other U.S. states, and that one successful introduction of SARS-CoV-2 led to almost all of the early SARS-CoV-2 transmission in Louisiana. By analyzing mobility and genomic data, we show that SARS-CoV-2 was already present in New Orleans before Mardi Gras and that the festival dramatically accelerated transmission, eventually leading to secondary localized COVID-19 epidemics throughout the Southern U.S.. Our study provides an understanding of how superspreading during large-scale events played a key role during the early outbreak in the U.S. and can greatly accelerate COVID-19 epidemics on a local and regional scale.

Why U.S. Recognition of Jerusalem Could Be Contrary to International Law

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 72-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Kattan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Legal Standing ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Arab League ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The City ◽  
The U.S

President Trump's decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and to move the U.S. embassy to the city has been universally condemned, as it is contrary to a well-established rule of international law stipulating that states must not recognize the fruits of conquest. While the United States chose to exercise its right of veto in the UN Security Council to block a resolution criticizing the presidential decision, the remaining members of the council, including close U.S. allies, criticized it. Similarly, the UN General Assembly, the European Union, the Arab League, and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation have all passed strongly worded resolutions saying that they would not recognize any changes to the pre-1967 borders, including in and around Jerusalem. This paper examines the legal standing of the U.S. decision in light of previous positions that the United States has historically adopted or endorsed.

Ideology, Moral Cosmology, and Community in the United States

2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robyn R. Ryle ◽  
Robert V. Robinson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cosmological Model ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Sense Of Community ◽  
Education System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
Group Members ◽  
The U.S ◽  
The Web

We propose an ideological/cosmological model to complement the three answers that have been offered to the Community Question: contentions that community is now lost, saved, or liberated. We hypothesize that the U.S. education system inculcates an individualistic ideology that disposes highly educated people to a weaker sense of community. We also hypothesize that the theologically modernist moral cosmology is inherently individualistic relative to the religiously orthodox cosmology and inclines those holding it to feel less of a sense of community. Through analyses of national survey data on people's feelings of community from their town or city, neighbors, friends, place of worship, co‐workers or fellow students, ethnic group members, and people met on the web, we find strong confirmation for both hypotheses. Education and moral cosmology are each more consistent predictors of people's sense of community across a range of communities than most of the variables in the conventional answers to the Community Question.

scholarly journals Demystifying Americanness: The Model Minority Myth and The Black-Korean Relationship

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 68
Author(s):  
Se-Hyoung Yi ◽  
William T. Hoston
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Model Minority ◽  
The United States ◽  
Korean American ◽  
Korean Immigrants ◽  
American People ◽  
Minority Communities ◽  
Racial Tension ◽  
Group Identities

The recent incidents involving both Black American and Korean American communities across the United States have reopened the old wounds between the two minority communities, recalling the two tragic incidents in the 1990s: the death of Latasha Harlins (1991) and the Los Angeles Uprising/Sa-I-Gu (1992). Revisiting and reevaluating these two cases, this article argues that the myth of true Americanness, channeled and reinforced through the concept of model minority, has not only shaped and sustained a contentious relationship between Korean immigrants and Black Americans but also intensified the racial tension among all racial and ethnic groups in the United States. We conclude that American people of all demographics must debunk the myth of model minority and challenge the false Americanism by embracing “deep diversity,” not merely distinctive group identities and outlooks, which offers a more diverse and rich interpretation of America as a whole.

Foreign Friends

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P. Fields
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
The United States ◽  
Korean American ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
World War ◽  
Theodore Roosevelt ◽  
Civic Organizations ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
The U.S

This book examines how Syngman Rhee and the Korean independence movement used the rhetoric of American exceptionalism to lobby the U.S. government and the American public for support between 1905 and 1945. Alleging that Theodore Roosevelt violated the 1882 Korean-American Treaty when he tacitly supported the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1905, Rhee argued that Germany was not the only nation guilty of regarding treaties as “mere scraps of paper” and exhorted Americans to right this historical wrong by supporting Korean independence. He argued that doing so would prove Americans were the exceptional people many of them believed themselves to be. Rhee’s message gained credibility, not only because the concept of American exceptionalism resonated with Americans, but also because at various junctures certain Americans found the Korean cause useful. During the fight over the Versailles Treaty, the so-called Irreconcilable senators used the Korean issue to criticize President Wilson and to deflect the charge that they were isolationists. During the denouement of World War II, anticommunist politicians and civic organizations argued that Korea must not be abandoned to communism and that the United States’ treatment of Korea would be a test of American resolve in establishing a new rules-based order. The publicity Korea received from these and other episodes transformed Korea into an issue that could not be ignored in the postwar period. The irony and tragedy of Rhee’s efforts is that not only did they fail to regain Korea’s independence, but they directly contributed to the decision to divide Korea—an outcome he never foresaw or supported.

Jun-Ho

2018 ◽  
pp. 174-200
Author(s):  
Sumie Okazaki ◽  
Nancy Abelmann
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Young Adulthood ◽  
English Language ◽  
The United States ◽  
Korean American ◽  
Language Learner ◽  
Korean Children ◽  
The U.S ◽  
American Families ◽  
Korean American Families

This chapter features the Hyun family, the most recently immigrated family, who had arrived in the United States only two years prior to our meeting. Although the parents had decided to emigrate to the United States to provide their teenage sons with better opportunities—riding the popular wave of sending Korean children overseas for precollege study abroad—the mother had her own dreams about the desired impact of immigration for her own sense of cosmopolitanism as well as family cohesiveness. The chapter follows the travails of the older son as he struggled to meet the demands of being a college-bound English language learner—a fate foisted upon him against his will by his parents and initially resisted by him. The immigrant son eventually embraced his new American young adulthood in unexpected ways (and somewhat to his parents’ dismay) by joining the U.S. Army and serving tours in the Middle East. This chapter draws continuity between the more settled Korean American families (like those featured in previous chapters) and the more recently immigrated Korean American families by capturing the illusiveness as well as the unexpected possibilities of immigrant American young adulthood.

scholarly journals Lviv in the U.S. Polish Emigrants’ Press after World War II

2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (28) ◽  
pp. 151-161
Author(s):  
Jolanta Chwastyk-Kowalczyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Wide Scope ◽  
World War ◽  
Polish Culture ◽  
The City ◽  
The U.S

The article discusses occurrences of topics related to Lviv in Polish opinion-forming newspapers in exile in the United States after World War II. The author followed the New Diaryin the years 1971–1999, together with its appendices, Polish Week (1971–1981) and Polish Review (1981–1999), published in New York. These titles had a wide scope of influence. The analysis of the newspapers’ contents revealed that a small, dispersed community from Lviv, who emigrated to the United States and centered around the Lviv Circle, made their works public regularly in the pages of the New Diary. However, compared with the incidence of the same themes in the Polish emigrants’ press in Western Europe during the same period, it was a marginal phenomenon about accidental topics. The texts mainly focused on unmasking the Soviet authorities’ actions to eliminate traces of Polish culture from Lviv, the devastation of the Lviv Eaglets Cemetery. Additionally, they posted pictures of the Poltva, poems devoted to the city, and anniversary reminiscences of the Lviv defense of 1918. Topics related to Lviv abroad were mostly the domain of its former citizens, who had been forced to leave the city without possibility of return (thanks to the provisions of the Yalta Conference)—journalists, academics, and activists in exile, regularly associated with magazines from the British Isles (the White Eagle, News, Polish Diary, and Soldier’s Diary) as well as Culture from Paris.

How Not to Arm a State

2013 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian DeLay
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Debate ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Arms Transfers ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
Arms Trade ◽  
Fresh Perspective ◽  
The U.S

Today’s “Iron River of Guns” flowing from the United States into Mexico has a long backstory. From Mexico’s independence movement in the early nineteenth century through its early twentieth-century revolution, the international arms trade in general and arms transfers from the U.S. in particular have often confounded the project of national governance. The vagaries of global arms markets, the dangers of arming the state on credit, the difficulties of maintaining government arsenals, and the misfortune of sharing land borders with major arms producers all shaped Mexico’s first independent century in surprising and neglected ways. This history offers a fresh perspective on the contemporary crisis and the policy debate surrounding it.

An American Language

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish Language ◽  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Language Recognition ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
History Of ◽  
The U.S

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.

Palestine Unbound

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Task Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Us ◽  
Intention To Move ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The U.S

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.

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