scholarly journals How do Members of Parliament View the Public Value of Public Service Media? The Case of Latvia

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-28
Author(s):  
Inta Brikše ◽  
Ieva Beitika

Abstract The Development of public media in Latvia as a post-communist country has essentially been influenced by politicians. The political community has had consensus that certain reforms are necessary to ensure the development of public media given the changes in the communication space and its role in the facilitation of the strengthening of democracy, yet during the last fifteen years the political elite has not been able to come to a common agreement and to make decisions on systemic reforming and the development of public media. Since the communication environment has changed post digitalisation of television, the question about public media development and legitimisation has become increasingly topical. The aim of the study is to explore how the members of the parliament of Latvia (Saeima) position public service media (PSM) in Latvia and assess the public value of PSM. The theoretical framework for the research is based on the concept of public value „strategic triangle” (Benington & Moore 2011), which consists of three main elements: public value outcomes, the authorising environment and operational capacity. The study is based on qualitative research methods including 18 semi-structured interviews conducted with members of the Saeima in 2012 and 2013. The acquired data has been analysed by the principles of thematic analysis (Attride-Stirling 2001). Analysis of the interviews show that members of the Saeima recognise the need for public media to be independent whilst at the same time supporting a model in which public media is not supposed to have independent funding and they will continue competing with commercial media in the advertising market. High competition and resentment are characteristic features of the political elite in Latvia that apparently would also in future hamper the making of such decisions about public media that will facilitate their high-quality. Results of the research show the tendency for members of parliament to lack the necessary knowledge to formulate their opinion and to modulate relations of public media with society and their place in the overall media system in Latvia.

Comunicar ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (25) ◽  
Author(s):  
María Soler-Campillo

The main purpose of this paper is to analyse the recent Report of the Experts Committee on the Public Media (TV) in Spain. The objective is to understand the complex scenario and the legal and economical circumstances that have determinated the elaboration of this report, essential to prepare the restructuration of RTVE Group. Festival, we are going to refer to the evolution of RTVE Group since its origins, where it is possible to identify most of the actual problems, including the democratic transition and the last years of Aznar’s government. In second place, we are going to present the main proposals of the Experts Report that stresses the role of public television as a public service, including the critics formulated by two members of this Committee, like Miguel Angel Armedo, appointed by the Ministry of Economy and Treasure, and Fernando González Urbaneja, who has presented a particular report. The reaction of the spanish press to this Report will be presented to understand the social context, very politicized in the last year. Finally, this paper ends with a reflection on the oportunity of this report, and the necessity to tackle the financial reform of the public television, and the public mass communication media in Spain. Our paper tries to conclude that the composition of the Experts Committee should be different, with more consensus from the political forces of the spanish Parliament. We think it would be necessary to propose two different Committees, one integrated by experts like Enrique Bustamante, Emilio Lledó, Victoria Camps and Fernando Savater, specially prepared to indicate the main lines for the political overview; and a second Committee, integrated by financial and economical experts, to design the concrete estrategies to reform the spanish public television. We cannot forget that RTVE debt is the main problem that has to be solved in a stricted way as soon as possible, that implies a correction of exploitation debt. In this sense, a first step has been done, defining the necessity of a TV programation as a public service, like it has been argued by Professor Enrique Bustamante. Nonetheless, the RTVE Group reform is still unresolved, and it is a matter that has to be treated rigurously in the next months. The public debt accumulated by RTVE Group, and the public regional televisions debts, is a capital matter that has been negatively critized by european institutions. La presente comunicación tiene por objeto el análisis del reciente Informe sobre los medios de comunicación de titularidad estatal, base de un futuro proyecto de ley, elaborado por un comité de expertos nombrado por el gobierno para tal fin. Se pretende enmarcar el complejo escenario al que se ha tenido que enfrentar el «Comité de Sabios» para la elaboración de este informe y tratar de esbozar los modelos jurídicos y económicos posibles existentes y sus perspectivas de futuro. Vamos a organizar nuestra exposición en los siguientes apartados. En primer lugar, vamos a referirnos muy brevemente a la evolución del Grupo RTVE desde sus orígenes, en cuyo contexto cabe situar buena parte de los problemas actuales, pasando por la transición democrática, hasta la última etapa del gobierno Aznar, en el que se agudiza la situación financiera de la televisión pública y se produce una bajada de calidad muy notable en los contenidos de la programación. En segundo lugar, se expondrán las principales propuestas del Informe que giran en torno a la reivindicación de la televisión como servicio público, y asímismo se recogerán las críticas formuladas por Miguel Angel Arnedo, experto nombrado por el Ministerio de Economía y Hacienda, y Fernando González Urbaneja, que ha emitido un voto particular que se desmarca del planteamiento general del Informe. A continuación, se hará un examen de la reacción al Informe en la prensa escrita, que se ha producido en un contexto social muy politizado, que responde a una contraposición de intereses entre los diferentes grupos de comunicación. Finalmente, la comunicación se cierra con una reflexión sobre la oportunidad del Informe, y la necesidad de abordar el problema de la financiación de los medios de comunicación públicos. Nuestra comunicación pretende concluir que habría sido necesario conformar un Comité de Expertos que contara con el mayor consenso posible de las fuerzas políticas desplegadas en el parlamento español. Tal vez habría sido necesario crear dos comisiones de trabajo, una primera, conformada por los expertos Enrique Bustamante, Emilio Lledó, Victoria Camps y Fernando Savater, que habría podido marcar las lineas maestras del planteamiento político que debe dirigir un estudio técnico de las reformas a introducir en la transformación necesaria del modelo de gestión y de financiación de los medios de comunicación públicos, lo que debería ser materia de trabajo de un Comité de expertos específico. No debemos olvidar, en ese sentido, que el problema de la deuda y de la financiación del ente RTVE ha de abordarse con rigor. Y ello pasa por tratar de corregir el déficit de explotación del grupo, que no hace sino provocar un reiterado endeudamiento del ente público. Se ha dado, pues, un primer paso muy importante: definir la necesidad de una programación de servicio público, como ha señalado el profesor Enrique Bustamante. Pero la tarea pendiente es todavía enorme, ya que aún no se ha entrado propiamente en materia, algo que han reclamado legítimamente los expertos del mundo de la economía y de las finanzas, pero que no resta mérito al trabajo realizado por este Comité de expertos. Desde el punto de vista de la economía de la comunicación existe una crisis en el modelo de gestión económica aplicado hasta ahora. Se trata de un problema cuya solución no puede dilatarse en el tiempo ya que la deuda pública que arrastra el ente público de RTVE, y también las televisiones públicas de carácter autonómico, ha sido puesta en entredicho por los organismos europeos.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaarina Nikunen ◽  
Jenni Hokka

Welfare states have historically been built on values of egalitarianism and universalism and through high taxation that provides free education, health care, and social security for all. Ideally, this encourages participation of all citizens and formation of inclusive public sphere. In this welfare model, the public service media are also considered some of the main institutions that serve the well-being of an entire society. That is, independent, publicly funded media companies are perceived to enhance equality, citizenship, and social solidarity by providing information and programming that is driven by public rather than commercial interest. This article explores how the public service media and their values of universality, equality, diversity, and quality are affected by datafication and a platformed media environment. It argues that the embeddedness of public service media in a platformed media environment produces complex and contradictory dependencies between public service media and commercial platforms. The embeddedness has resulted in simultaneous processes of adapting to social media logics and datafication within public service media as well as in attempts to create alternative public media value-driven data practices and new public media spaces.


Author(s):  
Alasdair Cochrane

Chapter 3 asks what kinds of institutions are needed to protect the worth and rights of sentient creatures. The chapter’s ultimate claim is that they are best protected by democratic institutions: that is, institutions which are participative, deliberative, and representative, and underpinned by a set of entrenched rights. Crucially, the chapter further argues that those institutions should be comprised of dedicated animal representatives. The job of those representatives should be to act as trustees of the interests of ‘animal members’ of the political community. In other words, their job should be to translate the interests of animals with whom we share a ‘community of fate’ into their deliberations with other representatives over what is in the public good.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-38
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Rosow

Contestation over war memorialization can help democratic theory respond to the current attenuation of citizenship in war in liberal democratic states, especially the United States. As war involves more advanced technologies and fewer soldiers, the relation of citizenship to war changes. In this context war memorialization plays a particular role in refiguring the relation. Current practices of remembering and memorializing war in contemporary neoliberal states respond to a dilemma: the state needs to justify and garner support for continual wars while distancing citizenship from participation. The result is a consumer culture of memorialization that seeks to effect a unity of the political community while it fights wars with few citizens and devalues the public. Neoliberal wars fought with few soldiers and an economic logic reveals the vulnerability to otherness that leads to more active and critical democratic citizenship.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


2013 ◽  
Vol 146 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gay Hawkins

Is there anything left to say about public value and public service broadcasting (PSB) without lapsing into boosterism, special pleading, or wildly unsubstantiated claims about the role of PSB in making citizens and democracy? This article develops an alternative approach, one that considers publicness not as a pre-given or static value, but as something that has to be continually enacted or performed. Using recent debates in political theory, it examines the processes and ontological effects of what Latour calls ‘making things public’. It makes two assumptions. The first is that there is no such thing as ‘the public’ out there waiting to be addressed; rather, publics have to be called into being The second is that there are a multiplicity of ways in which publicness can be assembled, and the challenge for PSB is to establish why its strategies are better. The example used is the ABC's current affairs discussion show Q&A, which is investigated to see how it generates an ontology of publicness. In what ways is the notion of public address and assembly mobilised? How does the experience of a public as a form of what Warner calls ‘Stranger sociability’ extend from the live audience to the household viewer? In what ways are the notions of public reason and rational discussion enacted and disrupted? And how does this enactment of publicness generate a sometimes poetic, anarchic or ribald shadow reality tweeted in from anonymous participants competing for public attention? Finally, how does it both reproduce and reinvent existing institutional regimes of value within the ABC?


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.


Author(s):  
Markus Patberg

This chapter deals with the question of whether the public narrative of ‘We, the people of Europe’, which claims constituent power for a cross-border demos composed of EU citizens, can be justified in terms of a systematic model. To that end, it draws on the political theory of regional cosmopolitanism, which holds that even though the EU is not a state, it has its own political community. The literature on regional cosmopolitanism offers two possible strategies of defending the idea of an EU-wide constituent power: a first-principles approach and a reconstructive approach. The chapter argues that only the latter proves viable, and then goes on to examine the merits of the model that it gives rise to. While regional-cosmopolitan constituent power plausibly responds to the fact that the EU has created a new group of addressees and authors of the law, it neglects the continuing importance of the member state peoples and fails to explain how an EU-wide constituent power could be reconciled with the compound and dependent nature of the EU polity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 1641-1656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Volkmann

It is a long-established commonplace in any debate on immigration that immigrants should integrate into their receiving society. But integrate into what precisely? Into the labor market, into the legal order, into the political system, into a national culture whatever this might comprise? The Article tries to approach the question from the legal point of view and looks for hints or clues in the constitution which might help us with the answer. For this purpose, it explores the general theory of the constitution as it has been shaped by its professional interpreters as well as by political actors, the media and the public. The main intuition is that “constitution” is not only a written document, a text with a predefined, though maybe hidden meaning; instead, it is a social practice evolving over time and thereby reflecting the shared convictions of a political community of what is just and right. Talking about constitutional expectations toward immigrants then also tells us something about ourselves: about who we are and what kind of community we want to live in. As it turns out, we may not have a very clear idea of that.


2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 583-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venetia Papa

The global upsurge in protest, which has accompanied the current international financial crisis, has highlighted the extensive use of online social media in activism, leaving aside the extent to which citizenship is enacted, empowered and potentially transformed by social media use within these movements. Drawing on citizenship and communication theories, this study employs a cross-country analysis of the relationship between citizenship, civic practices and social media within the Indignados movement in Greece and France. By the use of semi-structured interviews, we attempt to discern the degree of involvement of actors with the political community in question and explore the complex layers of their motivations and goals around participation. Content analysis employed in the movement’s Facebook groups allows us to critically evaluate the potential of social media in (re)defining the meaning and practice of civic participation. Findings indicate that the failure of traditional forms of civic participation to attain and resolve everyday political issues becomes its potential to transfer the political activity in other sites of struggle. The role of Facebook is double: it can reinforce civic talk and debate through activists’ digital story telling (around shared feelings and personal stories) significant for meaningful activist participation online and offline. Second, it can support new forms of alternative politics inspired by more participatory modes of engagement.


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