Spanish evidence for pitch-accent structure

The present study addresses the question whether accentuation and prosodic phrasing can have a similar function, namely, to group words in a sentence together. Participants listened to locally ambiguous sentences containing object- and subject-control verbs while ERPs were measured. In Experiment 1, these sentences contained a prosodic break, which can create a certain syntactic grouping of words, or no prosodic break. At the disambiguation, an N400 effect occurred when the disambiguation was in conflict with the syntactic grouping created by the break. We found a similar N400 effect without the break, indicating that the break did not strengthen an already existing preference. This pattern held for both object- and subject-control items. In Experiment 2, the same sentences contained a break and a pitch accent on the noun following the break. We argue that the pitch accent indicates a broad focus covering two words [see Gussenhoven, C. On the limits of focus projection in English. In P. Bosch & R. van der Sandt (Eds.), Focus: Linguistic, cognitive, and computational perspectives. Cambridge: University Press, 1999], thus grouping these words together. For object-control items, this was semantically possible, which led to a “good-enough” interpretation of the sentence. Therefore, both sentences were interpreted equally well and the N400 effect found in Experiment 1 was absent. In contrast, for subject-control items, a corresponding grouping of the words was impossible, both semantically and syntactically, leading to processing difficulty in the form of an N400 effect and a late positivity. In conclusion, accentuation can group words together on the level of information structure, leading to either a semantically “good-enough” interpretation or a processing problem when such a semantic interpretation is not possible.

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High Rising Tunes in Australian English: The Communicative Function of L* And H* Pitch Accent Onsets

Australian Journal of Linguistics ◽

10.1080/07268600802308766 ◽

2008 ◽

Vol 28 (2) ◽

pp. 171-193 ◽

Cited By ~ 8

Author(s):

Jeannette McGregor1 ◽

Sallyanne Palethorpe

Keyword(s):

Pitch Accent ◽

Communicative Function ◽

Australian English

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Tonal alignment and preaccentuation

Journal of Japanese Linguistics ◽

10.1515/jjl-2018-0014 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 34 (2) ◽

pp. 195-222

Author(s):

Junko Ito ◽

Armin Mester

Keyword(s):

Pitch Accent

Abstract This paper develops a new analysis of the antepenultimate accent principle that determines the default location of the pitch accent in Japanese words (namely, on the syllable containing the antepenultimate mora). The chief innovation is that this analysis also applies to compounds, where it predicts the location of accent in compounds with “short” N2 (one or two moras) – so-called “preaccentuation” at the end of N1, which often does not coincide with the penultimate mora. In addition, the paper sketches an extension of the analysis subsuming the N2-initial accent characteristic of compounds with “long” N2 (three or four moras).

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How does the radio spokesperson’s voice influence credibility?

Communications ◽

10.1515/commun-2017-0015 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 42 (2) ◽

Author(s):

Josefa D. Martín-Santana ◽

Eva Reinares-Lara ◽

Pedro Reinares-Lara

Keyword(s):

Experimental Design ◽

Blood Donation ◽

Stimulus Material ◽

Pitch Accent ◽

Three Dimensions ◽

Audiovisual Media ◽

Its Analysis ◽

Vocal Pitch ◽

Spokesperson Credibility ◽

Selection Of

AbstractIn radio, spokesperson credibility is a resource that can improve the effectiveness of a message, and its analysis requires the study of how voice qualities influence the listener. The aims of this study are to design and test the suitability of a scale of radio spokesperson credibility, and to analyse the effect of the phonoaesthetic function – that is, how a spokesperson’s gender, vocal pitch, accent and their interactions affect their credibility. We conducted a 2 × 2 × 2 experimental design via eight radio programmes in which we inserted a radio spot as stimulus material. The hypotheses were tested on a sample of 987 Spanish radio listeners, and the advertised service was blood donation. The results allowed the validation of a scale of spokesperson credibility, traditionally used in audiovisual media, formed by three dimensions (attractiveness, expertise and trustworthiness), and provide several implications for the selection of a spokesperson for radio.

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Rate Limits of On-Beat and Off-Beat Tapping With Simple Auditory Rhythms

Music Perception An Interdisciplinary Journal ◽

10.1525/mp.2005.23.2.165 ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 23 (2) ◽

pp. 165-188 ◽

Cited By ~ 25

Author(s):

Bruno H. Repp

Keyword(s):

Dependent Measure ◽

Physical Structure ◽

Pitch Accent ◽

Finger Tapping ◽

Adaptive Procedure ◽

Metrical Structure ◽

Relative Difficulty

THE RELATIVE DIFFICULTY of on-beat and off-beat finger tapping with simple auditory rhythms was assessed in four experiments with musically trained participants. The rhythms consisted of cyclically repeated TT0 or TTT0 patterns, where T denotes the presence and 0 denotes the absence of a tone. The tasks were to tap in synchrony with one of the T ("on-beat") positions or with the 0 ("off-beat") position. Experiments 1-3 used an adaptive procedure that determined the fastest tempo at which each task could be accomplished. Experiment 1 demonstrated that it is easier to tap on tones that carry a rhythmic grouping accent (T2 in TT0, T1 and T3 in TTT0) than on other tones or in the 0 position. Off-beat tapping was more difficult in TT0 than in TTT0 sequences. Experiment 2 showed that a dynamic ( pitch) accent on one of the tones facilitates synchronization with that tone and impedes synchronization with adjacent tones. Off-beat tapping was less affected by accent location. Experiment 3 required participants to "hear" different T positions as metrically accented (i.e., to construe them as the downbeat) while carrying out the various tapping tasks. Most participants found it difficult to maintain a cognitive downbeat at fast tempi when it did not coincide with their taps. However, when such a downbeat could be maintained, it did not seem to increase the difficulty of tapping (with one exception). This suggests a unidirectional dependence of metrical structure on action. In Experiment 4, the same tasks were presented at more moderate tempi, and the dependent measure was the variability of asynchronies. Metrical downbeat location still did not have any significant effect. Thus, synchronization difficulty seems to be affected only by a rhythm's physical structure, not by the cognitive interpretation that is given to that structure.

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