Network for Heterocyclic Chemistry among Countries of the Mediterranean Sea Area, Including Europe and North Africa

2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. S65-S73 ◽  
Author(s):  
F.M. Fusco ◽  
P. Brouqui ◽  
G. Ippolito ◽  
N. Vetter ◽  
M. Kojouharova ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosario Badalamenti ◽  
Francesco Tiralongo ◽  
Vincenzo Arizza ◽  
Sabrina Lo Brutto

Abstract A search from different kinds of sources has been carried out to review the incidence of Physalia physalis, the Portuguese man-of-war, in the Mediterranean Sea; scientific and grey literature, social media, zoological museums were accessed. The records of the species were considered validated if documented with images or collected specimens. It was possible to date the putative first record of Physalia physalis in the Mediterranean Sea, thanks to a couple of colonies preserved in a historical collection, originating from the Gulf of Naples in 1914. Some massive strandings occurred in localities of the Alboran Sea, area of entrance from the Atlantic from where the species spread mainly along the Sicilian waters, in the central Mediterranean Sea. The records from the Italian maritime regions were then subdivided into three categories of risk according to the season of occurrence. These categories were created to assign a level of danger for swimmers to the sightings of Physalia physalis. The increasing sightings of such a poisonous organism in coastal waters can represent a risk to human health, and also to all those activities linked to the marine tourism sector. The involvement of citizens and touristic structures for the early detection of Physalia physalis can play a key role in preventing encounters with the species, allowing marine tourist facilities to operate within a range of reasonable security.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
pp. 517-525
Author(s):  
Ireneusz Milewski

The above article discusses one of the aspects of the Vandals’ religious policy in Africa, that is, deportations of Catholic bishops ordered by the Vandal kings. Of course, the Vandal kings were Arians and the fact itself defined their attitude towards Catholic clergy in North Africa, which they occupied. Describing the background of these depor­tations, their course and other repression which befell Catholic clergy (and the faithful) in Africa in the middle of the fifth century, we can only rely on the sources of Catholic authors, who had a negative attitude to the Vandals and their leaders. They portrayed them as crude and bloodthirsty tyrants, or even as psychopaths. Discussing the deportations of bishops in the reign of Genseric and Huneric, the back­ground of the events was also presented. It was deduced that the underlying reason for the persecution of Catholics was the Vandals’ urge to consolidate their power in Africa. The bishops deprived of their seats were deported by the Vandal kings to Numidia (to the grounds controlled by the Moors) or to the islands of the Mediterranean Sea (Corsica, Sardegna) which belonged to the Vandals’ state. There they were forced to hard physical work (work on the land, cutting down trees used to build ships). Many of them, however, did not reach the assigned places of exile – they died on the way from physical exhaustion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 271-298
Author(s):  
Stephan F.H. Ollick

The Mediterranean Sea has long been an important and perilous route for international migrants from the coast of North Africa to the European Union (EU). Manygrants and refugees travelling on overcrowded and unseaworthy dinghies do not survive the crossing. Rising numbers of fatalities put pressure on the EU to address the Mediterranean tragedy with renewed urgency. Frontex Operation Triton (2014–) and the naval mission eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA (2015–) were launched to survey and influence migratory flows. Although thousands of migrants and refugees have thus been delivered from distress at sea, casualty rates remain staggeringly high. Some commentators and organizations have dismissed Frontex and eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA as vehicles of an isolationist political agenda. This overlooks the narrow legal, political and practical confines within which these initiatives operate. Frontex and eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA seek to attain a level of control necessary for the delayed implementation of more ambitious and forward-looking schemes. The unsophisticated, temporary nature of the regime complex currently governing the EU’s activities in the Mediterranean Sea manifests in ambiguous language, in frequent and disparate amendments, and in the brevity of the mandates thus dispensed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-5
Author(s):  
Agnaldo Arroio

In the last weeks the world has been facing a dramatic situation called as “Mediterranean migration”. In one week at least 1.000 migrants have died trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea to reach European territories. More than 2.500 lives have been lost since June 2014, the United Nation refugee agency UNHCR believes, and the majority of them are coming from Africa and Middle East countries. Recently the Malta's prime minister warned after the Lampedusa tragedy, that the Mediterranean Sea was in danger of becoming a "cemetery" for desperate migrants. The situation is dramatic, considering that UNHCR figures suggest that some 25.000 people fled to Italy from North Africa in 2005, a number which dwindled to 9.573 in 2009. As it can be seen, the problem is growing up, the number of migrants is increasing and there is no chance to solve this problem easily.


2020 ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
Aghavni HARUTYUNYAN

Launched by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013, the One Belt, One Road initiative (OBOR), which consists of land (EBSR) and sea routes (MSR), aims to connect Asia and Europe through the Middle East, Africa and Central Asia. The MSR strategy focuses on creating Chinese strongholds or “naval posts” with military or geopolitical influence along the Indian Ocean littoral, the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean Sea, called a “String of Pearls” - similar to the “Dual Use Logistics Facility”. It is related to Beijing’s need for geostrategic security of the “choke points” and maritime [oil and trade] routes critical of its development and based on China’s need to establish an increased level of influence and advanced presence along the sea routes through the use of investment, port development, economic, political, diplomatic and military means. China hopes to contribute to strengthening regional security on the southern gateway from the Indian Ocean to the Red Sea and the Suez Canal, one of the world’s biggest shipping lanes and a pivotal part of the MSR. Today the Chinese energy security policy has been militarized by creating a navy and deploying troops to protect and implement energy and infrastructure projects in the Middle East and North Africa region. It is an important hub for the two OBOR routes due to its strategic location at the intersection of land and sea roads connecting Asia, Africa and Europe, and the three most important economic maritime regions: the South China Sea, the Persian Gulf, and the Mediterranean Sea.


2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 840-857 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandro Colás

AbstractFrom the ‘long’ sixteenth century the Ottoman regencies of North Africa operated as major centres of piracy and privateering across the Mediterranean Sea. Though deemed by emerging European powers to be an expression of the ‘barbarian’ status of Muslim and Ottoman rulers and peoples, piracy, and corsairing in fact played a major role in the development of the ‘primary’ or ‘master’ institutions of international society such as sovereignty, war, or international law. Far from representing a ‘barbarian’ challenge to the European ‘standard of civilization’, piracy and privateering in the modern Mediterranean acted as contradictory vehicles in the affirmation of that very standard.This article explores how Barbary piracy, privateering, and corsairing acted as ‘derivative’ primary institutions of international society. Drawing on recent ‘revisionist’ accounts of the expansion of international society, it argues that piracy and corsairing simultaneously contributed to the construction of law and sovereignty across the Mediterranean littoral whilst also prompting successive wars and treaties aimed at outlawing such practices. The cumulative effect of these complex historical experiences indicates that primary institutions of international society owe much more to ‘barbarism’ and ‘illegality’, an indeed to international stratification uneven development, than is commonly acknowledged.


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