scholarly journals ETNOGENEZA SŁOWIAN W POLSKICH KRONIKA CH ŚREDNIOWIECZNYCH

Author(s):  
Ryszard Grzesik

Historiography including the story of native origins created ideological bonds in new states, created the state and afterwards national consciousness. The Latin cultural roots of Christianity and the awareness of the similarities of Slavic languages played a role in ethnographical stories told in Polish medieval chronicles. While keen on presenting Polish origins, the first Polish chronicles did not deal with ethnogenesis of Slavs. Only in the 14th century did the chroniclers adopt an ethnogenetical approach. Dzierzwa introduced the Biblical genealogy to Polish medieval historiography and derived the origins of the Poles from Japhet. The Slavic Interpolator of the Great-Polish Chronicle presented the Pannonian concept of the origin of Slavs which probably emerged in Great-Moravia and was preserved in Rus’ historical tradition. This story was used by John Dąbrówka in his commentaries to the Chronicle of Vincent Kadłubek and by John Długosz who created the erudite vision of Polish ethnogenesis, based on popular tables of nations.

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 613-620
Author(s):  
Igor N. Tyapin

The author of the article uses the works of L.A. Tikhomirov as the basis when examining the problem of criticism of the conditions of the state and society in monarchic Russia during the last decade of its existence from the part of the conservative figures who not only advocated the necessity to preserve the autocracy but also substantially contributed to the working out of the main principles of Russian social development. In particular, the “creative conservators” managed to accomplish the deep philosophic conceptualization of Russian history while trying to find the previously lost ideal of social organization. Tikhomirov’s relevant concepts of the mutual conditionality of Russian national consciousness underdevelopment and state degradation, as well as of the necessity to realize the model of the moral state of justice on the basis of the national idea, were not accepted by the bureaucratic system that resulted before long in the collapse of Russian monarchic state.


Author(s):  
Anthony Kaldellis

This chapter describes how the timeline of Byzantine historical writing can be divided into three 140-year periods: first, from AD 500–640, the end of late antiquity, when historiography flourished in many genres; second, from 640–780, when Byzantium struggled to resist Arab conquest and few surviving texts were produced; and finally, from 780–920, an age of recovery for the state and literature, when older traditions were resynthesized and the foundations for new developments were laid. Primarily, the society of the Eastern Empire was mostly Greek speaking, Christian, and specifically Roman in its political or national consciousness. The ‘usable past’ available to historians was therefore complex, consisting of incommensurate components that defined different sites of the culture.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Janis Grzybowski

Abstract At the height of the Syrian civil war, many observers argued that the Syrian state was collapsing, fragmenting, or dissolving. Yet, it never actually vanished. Revisiting the rising challenges to the Syrian state since 2011 – from internal collapse through external fragmentation to its looming dissolution by the ‘Islamic State’ – provides a rare opportunity to investigate the re-enactment of both statehood and international order in crisis. Indeed, what distinguishes the challenges posed to Syria, and Iraq, from others in the region and beyond is that their potential dissolution was regarded as a threat not merely to a – despised – dictatorial regime, or a particular state, but to the state-based international order itself. Regimes fall and states ‘collapse’ internally or are replaced by new states, but the international order is fundamentally questioned only where the territorially delineated state form is contested by an alternative. The article argues that the Syrian state survived not simply due to its legal sovereignty or foreign regime support, but also because states that backed the rebellion, fearing the vanishing of the Syrian nation-state in a transnational jihadist ‘caliphate’, came to prefer its persistence under Assad. The re-enactment of states and of the international order are thus ultimately linked.


2013 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Vytautas Kardelis

Based on the data collected during dialectological expeditions in 2009–2012 in the districts of Švenčionys, Ignalina and Utena, the article discusses the state of the languages used in the area under investigation. Since the expeditions were more of a pilot study type of research, the data provided in the article are preliminary and are indicative of possible guidelines for a further, comprehensive and thorough investigation. With respect to the languages used, the whole region under investigation could be divided into the following areas: Linguistically homogeneous or more or less homogeneous areas: the area of dialectal language, marked by the usage of either the subdialect of Vilniškiai or Uteniškiai (the area of Labanoras–Ignalina–Salakas); the areas of the variations of Slavic languages in which: a) Slavic language variations are dominant with minimal use of Lithuanian (area of Gaidė), b) there is some linguistic dynamics and change in linguistic attitudes (area of Bačkininkai). Linguistically heterogeneous areas: Slavic language variations are used together with partially non-dialectal Lithuanian, however, Slavic language variations dominate. These areas include the regions of Pabradė-Joniškis and Turmantas; the dialect is used together with Slavic language variations, but the Lithuanian language is dominant (the dialect and partially non-dialectal language). This area encompasses Strūnaitis-Švenčionėliai, Didžiasalis, Neverėnai;  the dialect, Slavic language variations and non-dialectal Lithuanian are used (Svirkos-Adutiškis area). This division could be useful for prospective sociolinguists and especially valuable in the research of language contacts; in addition, it may facilitate researchers in their choice of methodology for studies of this kind.


2019 ◽  
pp. 100-113
Author(s):  
Sławomir Jóźwiak ◽  
Janusz Trupinda

The analyses performed in the paper indicate that the construction works on the brick Teutonic Commandery Castle in Pokarmin (Brandenburg) started in the 1280s (perhaps around 1283). This coincided with the decision to make it the headquarters of the order and the seat of the commander, which took place at the end of 1283 or at the beginning of 1294. The castle was more or less finished (the main wing and the curtain wall surrounding the whole site?) in 1290. At the beginning of the 14th century (before 1306) it had two or three wings and was built on a rectangular plane. By no means was the castle in Pokarmin the first or model regular castle in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia, which was a common assumption among scholars up until now. This issue is still being researched, but more and more information points to Papowo in the Chełmno land as the first regular (square), four‑wing commandery castle in Prussia. We are still not certain, however, if by the end of the 13th century its construction had been completed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-226
Author(s):  
Stanisław Boridczenko

In the article is discussed Belarusian historical tradition in relation to the policy of memory. Special attention was paid to her reflections on the heritage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the context of the phenomenon of belarusization. The text of the article consists of two parts. In the first of them, the author describes the history of Belarusian historical thought in connection with the process of evolution of the Belarusian national consciousness and the historical policy of the Belarusian elite. In the second part, the main trends of this thought were highlighted and described in connection with their attitude to the problem of belarusization of the Commonwealth’s heritage. The article points out that in Belarus, after independence, the next stage of an extremely complex process of forming national consciousness began, an integral element of which is the construction of historical discourse by government’s agencies.


Author(s):  
Tobias Harper

This chapter focuses on the most immediate and visible change of the post-war era: decolonization and the slow disintegration of the underlying imperial structure of the honours system. In India and Pakistan nationalist movements agreed that the honours system was an undesirable relic of empire, even as British officials tried to make the new states keep it in 1947 in order to maintain connections and power in the subcontinent. The process of decolonization of honours was slower, more partial, and complex in other parts of the world, reflecting complicated balances between loyalty and pragmatism. At the same time, within Britain a wide variety of people—including members of the royal family, Colonial, Dominions, and Commonwealth Office officials, honours recipients, newspaper columnists, and politicians—criticized the growing incongruity of the name of the Order of the British Empire. However, the administrators of the honours system staunchly defended the growing anachronism. In order to make the honours system work for Britain, the state and the public had to forget that the Order of the British Empire was not just of, but for, the empire.


Proceedings ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Ileana Mohanu ◽  
Ioana Gomoiu ◽  
Dan Mohanu ◽  
Nicoleta Cirstea ◽  
Adriana Moanță ◽  
...  

The church carved from sandstone rock, Corbii de Piatră, dated from the 14th century, in Argeș County, faces difficult microclimate conditions. [...]


Inner Asia ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-96 ◽  

AbstractThis article analyses the handling of the Ürümchi riots of 2009, and of the Shaoguan incident which provoked them, from the perspective of ethnic inequality and discrimination. The core argument posits that, in the eyes of the state and many of its Han subjects, pre-1997 dreams of Xinjiang independence represented a precocious attempt to break away from the state patron. As articulated in the PRC constitution and policy documents, the provision of nationality equality in contemporary China is contingent upon the duty to defend the nation-state; with this duty once abandoned, those rights are forfeited. I show how riot targets reflected Uyghur perceptions of increased socio-economic marginalisation since the 1997 Ghulja disturbances, a period characterised by state crackdowns and reduced civil rights. Finally, the article explores the ways in which Chinese leaders have begun, since late 2010, to address the socioeconomic and linguistic-cultural roots of the conflict. In conclusion, I note that long-term peace in the region depends upon effective implementation of existing policies and the authentic devolution of policy-making power to local Uyghur (and other minority nationality) officials and scholars.


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