scholarly journals Case-marking idiosyncrasy in subordination: the Japanese dative ni and beyond

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 72-85
Author(s):  
Takeshi Koguma ◽  
Katsunobu Izutsu
Keyword(s):  
Language Production ◽  
Underlying Mechanism ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Case Markings

This article examines Japanese idiosyncratic dative case markings, which cannot be accounted for by the semantics of verbs per se. We argue that the underlying mechanism is best described in terms of “blending of prefabricated forms in language production” (Barlow 2000), demonstrating that the relevant prefabricated structures provide a scaffold for the development of the use of dative ni in question. This study further explores some comparable non-canonical case markings observed in Korean subordinate clauses, suggesting that they can also be similarly characterized.

Typological overview of Estonian syntax

2009 ◽  
Vol 62 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mati Erelt
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Speech Acts ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
Syntactic Features ◽  
Concise Overview ◽  
Verb Categories

AbstractThe paper presents a concise overview of the main syntactic features of Estonian. It deals with basic clause patterns, case marking of arguments, verbs and verb categories, non-verbal predication, word order, expression of speech acts and negation, noun phrases, p-phrases, subordinate clauses, and coordination.

scholarly journals T-independent antigen induces humoral memory through germinal centers

2022 ◽  
Vol 219 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xin Liu ◽  
Yongshan Zhao ◽  
Hai Qi
Keyword(s):  
B Cells ◽  
Immune Responses ◽  
Germinal Center ◽  
Plasma Cells ◽  
Underlying Mechanism ◽  
Memory B Cells ◽  
Antigen B ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Humoral Responses ◽  
Human And Mouse

T-dependent humoral responses generate long-lived memory B cells and plasma cells (PCs) predominantly through germinal center (GC) reaction. In human and mouse, memory B cells and long-lived PCs are also generated during immune responses to T-independent antigen, including bacterial polysaccharides, although the underlying mechanism for such T-independent humoral memory is not clear. While T-independent antigen can induce GCs, they are transient and thought to be nonproductive. Unexpectedly, by genetic fate-mapping, we find that these GCs actually output memory B cells and PCs. Using a conditional BCL6 deletion approach, we show memory B cells and PCs fail to last when T-independent GCs are precluded, suggesting that the GC experience per se is important for programming longevity of T-independent memory B cells and PCs. Consistent with the fact that infants cannot mount long-lived humoral memory to T-independent antigen, B cells from young animals intrinsically fail to form T-independent GCs. Our results suggest that T-independent GCs support humoral memory, and GC induction may be key to effective vaccines with T-independent antigen.

Multiple dative-marking grammaticalization

2001 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Concepción Company Company
Keyword(s):  
Special Kind ◽  
Grammatical Function ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Object Properties ◽  
Primary Object ◽  
History Of ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Case Markings

The aim of this paper is to provide some diachronic evidence of how a language acquires primary object properties, and to shed some light on the disputable status of dative expressions (Dats) in two object constructions. Spanish having in its origin two object case-markings, one for the Acc-patient and one for the Dat-recipient, has been progressively acquiring only one object case-marking. This language would have been sliding from a DO–IO language toward a special kind of PO–SO language. This paper examines seven apparently unconnected syntactic changes, showing that a common deep pattern unifies them: a grammaticalization process which reinforces Dat object-marking as a prime argument in the history of Spanish. In various areas of the transitivity system, Dats usurped the grammatical function performed originally by the Acc. As a consequence, a fair distinction between DO and IO does not hold; there are primary object effects in this language.

scholarly journals Synchronic variation and loss of case

Diachronica ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Weerman ◽  
Mike Olson ◽  
Robert Cloutier
Keyword(s):  
Formal Language ◽  
Language Change ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
Present Participle

A bias towards formal texts obscures our view of language change and gives a misleading impression of actual developments if ‘changes from below’ are in conflict with ‘changes from above,’ resulting from norms that are visible in particular in formal language. A corpus of 17th-century Amsterdam texts with varying levels of formality is assembled to study the loss of genitive and dative case-marking in Dutch. These results are compared with the use of present participle constructions, which serve as an extra variable to gauge how formal a text is. We argue that nominal case-marking no longer existed in informal language in 17th-century Amsterdam and that the genitive became a feature of formal norms and was hence subject to pressures from above.

scholarly journals A Study of Syntactic Complexity in Language Production by Chinese-Speaking Older Adults

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Xinmiao Liu ◽  
Haiyan Wang
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Verbal Fluency ◽  
Language Production ◽  
Spoken Language ◽  
Sentence Length ◽  
Syntactic Complexity ◽  
Font Size ◽  
Younger Adults ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
The Mean

<span style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: ??; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;" lang="EN-US"><em>The syntactic complexity of language production changes as a result of ageing. In this study, we made a comparison between Chinese-speaking older and younger adults in terms of the syntactic complexity in spoken language production. To assess the level of syntactic complexity of language production, we applied the traditional measures of syntactic complexity such as sentence length, verbal fluency and the distribution of subordinate clauses. Results indicated that older adults showed a decline in the mean number of clauses, the proportion of right-branching clauses and verbal fluency. These findings indicate that there was a decline in syntactic complexity in spoken language production among Chinese-speaking older adults.</em></span>

Changes and explanations

2019 ◽  
pp. 199-228
Author(s):  
Cynthia L. Allen
Keyword(s):  
Language Contact ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
Syntactic Change

This chapter evaluates proposals that have been put forward to explain the loss of dative external possessors in English. The leading explanation using internal developments as a trigger links the syntactic change with a morphological one, namely the loss of the dative as a separate case. This explanation cannot explain the early decline of the construction and offers no explanation for why internal possessors should have become the rule in dialects retaining rich case marking at the same time as ones which had lost the dative case. Of the explanations based on language contact, the Celtic Hypothesis is the only one with any serious plausibility. The evidence suggests that Celtic learners of English did not fail to learn the dative external possessor construction, but they may have been instrumental in its initial decline by narrowing the range of the construction.

The Interplay Between form and Meaning in Language Change

1998 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 529-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Concepción Company Company
Keyword(s):  
Language Change ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
History Of ◽  
Multiple Causation ◽  
Object Marking

The paper tries to show that in changes of multiple causation, meaning is a leading factor in determining the syntactic output. Although formal and semantic-pragmatic factors converge in a complementary way, they carry different weights: formal factors lay the seed for the innovative construction and the semantic-pragmatic ones act as the ultimate trigger of the change. A set of three multilevel changes in Spanish is examined; in all of them accusative and dative case-marking, in argument positions, compete for the object marking, and in all of them DAT-marking outranks the ACC one. The three changes may be characterized as a progressive grammaticalization of DAT-marking at the expense of ACC-marking, a tendency towards reinforcement of DAT objects in the history of Spanish.

An Anglo-Americanism in Slavic morphosyntax: Productive [N[N]] constructions in Bulgarian

2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 277-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cynthia M. Vakareliyska ◽  
Vsevolod Kapatsinski
Keyword(s):  
High Frequency ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Direct Result ◽  
The South ◽  
Standard Language ◽  
Slavic Languages ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Analytic Case ◽  
Per Se ◽  
English Noun

Abstract Since 1990, most of the South and East Slavic languages have independently adopted, to varying extents, English loanblend [N[N]] constructions, in which an English modifier noun is followed by a head noun that previously existed in the language, for example, Bulgarian ekšŭn geroi ‘action heroes’. This phenomenon is of particular interest from a morphosyntactic processing perspective, because the use of the English noun as a modifier without the addition of a Slavic adjectival suffix and agreement desinence is a violation of fundamental traditional principles of Slavic morphology and morphosyntax, and thus should pose considerable parsing challenges. Bulgarian has incorporated English loanblend [N[N]]’s particularly well into the standard language. In this article we argue that the high frequency, broad semantic range, and productivity of loanblend [N[N]]’s in Bulgarian are the direct result not of Bulgarian’s analytic case-marking system per se, but of preexisting construction types in the language

Differential Object Marking and the nature of dative Case in Basque varieties*

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ane Odria
Keyword(s):  
Exceptional Case ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Functional Head ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
Verbal Agreement ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Secondary Predication ◽  
Ditransitive Constructions

This article analyzes the nature of Differential Object Marking (DOM) in Basque varieties. It demonstrates that, despite their identical dative morphology, DOM objects display a different syntax to goal indirect objects. Based on the licensing of depictive secondary predication and on the absolutive marking of non-human and indefinite objects, it argues that DOM objects are generated in a direct rather than indirect object configuration. Moreover, given the tight relation between case and agreement in ditransitive constructions and the possibility to check Case in Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) contexts, it proposes that dative Case in DOM is structurally checked in an Agree relation against a functional head of the verbal agreement complex. The article thus identifies a different dative argument which has not been previously characterized in this manner: one that does not originate within an applicative or postpositional phrase and checks Case structurally.

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