scholarly journals Rosyjskie czynniki rządowe wobec reformy szkolnej Aleksandra Wielopolskiego w świetle petersburskiego rękopisu ekspertyzy prawnej zatytułowanej Uwagi nad projektem stworzenia instytucji naukowych w Królestwie Polskim opublikowanym w polskiej gazecie »Dziennik Powszechny«

2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-66
Author(s):  
Dariusz Szpoper

A bill concerning public education together with an accompanying explanatory statement were created between June and October 1861. The aforementioned bill and justification were created under the direction of count Alexander Wielopolski, marquis Gonzaga-Myszkowski, the Presiding Chief Director in the Governmental Committee of Faith and Public Enlightenment of the Kingdom of Poland. Both of these documents were published on the pages of a newspaper entitled “Public Daily” (Polish Dziennik Powszechny) in Warsaw. The Russian authorities in Saint Petersburg ordered a legal opinion to be drawn up in November-December of 1861. Its contents were used to analyze the proposed education reform in the Kingdom of Poland.

2006 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROD PAIGE

In this essay, former secretary of education Rod Paige depicts the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) as the culmination of more than half a century of urgent but largely unheeded calls for reform of the nation's public education system. He explains the rationale for the design of NCLB and responds to several criticisms of the legislation, including the notion that it is a one-size-fits-all mandate and that its improvement targets are unrealistic. He further argues that the nation's public schools must become more responsive to the needs of students and their families in order to remain viable. Finally, he contends that subsequent reauthorizations should stay true to NCLB's original goal of holding school systems accountable for equipping all students with the academic skills on which America's future depends.


Author(s):  
Matías Sanfuentes ◽  
Matías Garretón ◽  
Juan Pablo Valenzuela ◽  
Rocío Díaz ◽  
Claudio Montoya

Chile is undertaking an ambitious public education reform, re-centralising the administration of municipal schools in larger territories. This reform is unprecedented, both for the size of the new intermediate-level services ( Servicios Locales de Educación Pública) and the escalation of their bureaucratic complexity, facing widespread organisational problems that cause high stress and labour suffering. We argue that improving emotional working conditions is necessary to accomplish pedagogical goals, but this dimension has received little attention. This article presents a follow-up study focused on school principals and professionals’ emotional and occupational experiences that have worked in the initial two-and-half years of one of the first Servicios Locales de Educación Pública created in the country. The qualitative analysis of interviews reveals how they make sense of organisational dilemmas while crafting solutions for facing structural shortcomings of new institutions. We understand their extraordinary commitment as ‘philanthropic emotional work’, driven by genuine care for children and the nation's future. However, in this effort, they also experience labour suffering and work overload, which may compromise their well-being and the long-term accomplishment of this reform's goals. These observations highlight the need for a reflexive improvement of this reform, recognising emotional work as a valuable resource but unsustainable without appropriate institutional support.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (8) ◽  
pp. 1075-1116
Author(s):  
Brian Ford

This article is the third of three on “Sources of Authority in Education.” All use the work of Amy Gutmann as a heuristic device to describe and explain the prevalence of market-based models of education reform in the US and the business-influenced Global Education Reform Movement. The other two are “Negating Amy Gutmann: Deliberative Democracy, Business Influence and Segmentation Strategies in Education” and “Neoliberalism and Four Spheres of Authority in American Education: Business, Class, Stratification and Intimations of Marketization.” All three are intended to be included together as chapters of my Democratic Education and Markets: Segmentation, Privatization and Sources of Authority in Education Reform. The “Negating Amy Gutmann” article looks primarily at deliberative democracy. The “Neoliberalism and Four Spheres of Authority” article, considers its main theme to be the promise of egalitarian democracy and how figures ‘such as Horace Mann, John Dewey and Gutmann’ have argued it is largely based on the promise of public education. It thus begins with a consideration of what might be called a partial historical materialist analysis – the growth of inequality in the US (and other countries) since the 1970s that correlates with much of the basis for changes in the justifications and substance of education reform. The present article, “The Odd Malaise of Democratic Education and the Inordinate Influence of Business,” continues the argument by offering some historical background and comparisons and ends by considering what happens to the philosophy of education when democracy and capitalism are at odds. It thus starts with recent history, looking at how the content and context of educational policy have changed in the US since Gutmann wrote in the 1980s. Specifically, it concerns itself with the increasing prevalence of twin notions: that our system of education must be reformed because of global competition and that the educational system should emulate the market. The article then goes back a little bit further, to the origins of the common school in the 1600s and Horace Mann’s articulation of the principles behind public education, which are shown to be in stark contrast to Education Reform. The narrative describes how the standards movement, variously, coalesced around George H. W. Bush’s America 2000 and Bill Clinton’s Goals 2000 programs, was reflected in a ‘21st-century schools’ discourse, found programmatic form in George W. Bush’s No Child Left Behind and it’s offspring, Arne Duncan’s Race to the Top. All of the preceding were, to a shocking degree, based on misleading and selective statistical analysis and sets goals that are unreachable even in the best of all possible worlds. The article concludes by considering paradigm change in education and its causes; I draw on both Peter Hall’s exposition of social learning 1 and Antonio Gramsci’s conceptualization of hegemony. 2


Author(s):  
Carlos Alberto Sánchez

The debate between Antonio Caso and Vicente Lombardo Toledano was political, philosophical, and public. To decide whether to reform public education, particularly undergraduate education, Caso and Lombardo Toledano argued over whether “[t]‌he courses that constitute the study plan for the Bachelor degree will obey the principle of essential identity in regards to the different phenomena of the Universe and will culminate with the teaching of philosophy based on nature.” Caso argued that despite violating the autonomy of the University and academic freedom, protected under the Constitution, the education reform proposed by the Second Commission was based on a false philosophical thesis: historical materialism. Since Caso and Lombardo Toledano agree that University is defined as a “cultural community,” much of the debate is focused on the nature of community, culture, history, and ethics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 732-737
Author(s):  
L. G. Kovalenko ◽  
K. F. Antoshchuk ◽  
M. I. Yukalchuk

Annotation. This article is about M. I. Pyrohov’s participation in the activity of Medical Board of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Medical Interim Committee at the Ministry of Health, about graduate medical education reform in the Russian Empire, the establishment of the Medical Department in St. Volodymyr Kyiv University.


2009 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 385-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Ayers

In this essay, William Ayers calls for a more vital and effective public education system,one guided by the basic democratic principle that all human beings are of incalculable and irreducible value. Ayers argues that to achieve such a system we must reclaim schools from the industrial model of the twentieth century and build classrooms that respond to the broad and complex needs of the actual students who arrive at the schoolhouse door. Stories of the 2008 election punctuate his argument about the urgency of seizing this moment to disrupt the dominant framework defining public education reform. He calls on each of us to promote an alternative discourse as we simultaneously challenge and assist the Obama administration in envisioning and creating schools that more authentically reflect the ideals of a democracy.


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