scholarly journals Review of monography by A. V. Samokhinoy and A. L. Khudoborodova «On the right turns of russian history: the formation of the political elite of the Chelyabinsk region. 1990—2000»

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 113-115
Author(s):  
I. Sibiryakov
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian History ◽  
Chelyabinsk Region ◽  
The Right ◽  
Right Turns

scholarly journals O. O. Bobrynskyi and the State Duma: views and activities

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Nataliia Chernikova ◽  
Iryna Karpan
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian History ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right

The purpose of the article is to reveal to reveal directions of O. O. Bobrynskyi’s socio- political and state activity in 1905–1911. Research methods: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, descriptive, historical-typological, system-structural. Main results. O. Bobrynskyi belonged to the famous noble family of landowners, owners of sugar factories of the Russian Empire. Therefore, he actively defended the interests of the nobility and autocracy. He believed that the consolidation of the nobility was necessary to maintain its dominant position in the state, especially after the revolutionary events of 1905. His practical steps to establish the organizational centers of the conservative nobility, its politicization and participation in the processes of state formation are revealed. The attention is focused on the role of O. Bobrynskyi in the development of organizational and ideological foundations, ensuring the practical activity of the United Nobility as a leading force in the political mechanism of Russia at that time. O. Bobrynskyi made the United Nobility congresses look like a parliament, which formed views of the conservative nobility on current state problems. As a result, their agrarian and electoral reform projects have largely become the basis of government reform. Thus, the nobility was able to form a majority in the Duma of the 3rd convocation, and O. Bobrynskyi became a deputy too. The nature and content his parliamentary activity, legislative initiatives and efforts to establish a regime of cooperation and partnership in the State Duma are revealed. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of political struggle were monitored. O. Bobrynskyi constantly tried to strike the optimal political balance between the right parties of the Duma to support the political platform developed at the meetings of the United Nobility. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the content and character of O. Bobrynskyi’s speech, the essential features, specifics, the evolution of his political platform, realized during his political career. Practical significance. Possibility of using the obtained results for writing monographs, general researches, textbooks and manuals dedicated to the Russian history, history of socio-political organizations, parties and movements, representative and state institutions, political elite of the Russian Empire; for creating and teaching normative and special courses in Russian history, political and social history at universities, colleges etc. Scientific novelty. O. O. Bobrynskyi’s steps to create the optimal political balance between the right-wing Duma parties in order to lobby the United Nobility political platform are outlined. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of his political struggle were monitored. Article type: explanation.

Traditionalism and politics: A case study of Northern Nigeria

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. O. Dudley
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
High Time ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Nigeria ◽  
The North ◽  
The Right

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.

scholarly journals Realism and reflexivity: Morgenthau, academic freedom and dissent

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seán Molloy
Keyword(s):  
Academic Freedom ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Power ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Effective Use ◽  
Hans Morgenthau

Primarily known as a pioneer of International Relations (IR) theory, Hans Morgenthau also wrote on a series of other political themes. Especially prominent in his later career is a concern with the right and duty of a theorist to exercise academic freedom as a critic of government power and, especially in this particular case, of US foreign policy. For Morgenthau the responsibility to hold governments to account by reference to the ‘higher laws’ that underpin and legitimize democracy in its truest form was a key function of the theorist in society. Dissensus and healthy debate characterize genuine democracy for Morgenthau who was perturbed by what he perceived to be a worrying concern with conformity and consensus among the political and academic elites of Vietnam War era America. This article investigates the theoretical and philosophical commitments that explain why Morgenthau felt compelled to oppose the government of his adopted state and the consequences of his having done so. For all the vicissitudes he endured, Morgenthau ultimately emerged vindicated from his clash with the political elite and his experience serves as an exemplary case of the effective use of academic freedom to oppose government policy by means of balanced, judicious critique. In the final section I argue that Morgenthau’s approach to theory, theorization and the role of the intellectual in society provides valuable insights into the nature of reflexivity in IR that are of relevance to contemporary debates in the discipline.

Seeking Sanctuary

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shannon McSheffrey
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Politics And Religion ◽  
English Law ◽  
Late Fifteenth ◽  
Early Modern Era ◽  
The Right ◽  
Modern Era

Seeking Sanctuary explores a curious aspect of premodern English law: the right of felons to shelter in a church or ecclesiastical precinct, remaining safe from arrest and trial in the king’s courts. This is the first book in more than a century to examine sanctuary in England in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Looking anew at this subject challenges the prevailing assumptions in the scholarship that this ‘medieval’ practice had become outmoded and little used by the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Although for decades after 1400 sanctuary-seeking was indeed fairly rare, the evidence in the legal records shows the numbers of felons seeking refuge in churches began to climb again in the late fifteenth century and reached its peak in the period between 1525 and 1535. Sanctuary was not so much a medieval dinosaur accidentally surviving into the early modern era, as it was an organism that had continued to evolve and adapt to new environments and indeed flourished in its adapted state. Sanctuary suited the early Tudor regime: it intersected with rapidly developing ideas about jurisdiction and provided a means of mitigating the harsh capital penalties of the English law of felony that was useful not only to felons but also to the crown and the political elite. Sanctuary’s resurgence after 1480 means we need to rethink how sanctuary worked, and to reconsider more broadly the intersections of culture, law, politics, and religion in the century and a half between 1400 and 1550.

SEKULERISASI POLITIK DAN ULAMA DI INDONESIA DALAM PRESFEKTIF AHMAD SYAFII MAARIF

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-244
Author(s):  
Putri Wulansari
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Wide Road ◽  
Mass Organization ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
The Right

Maaruf Amin As we know, it is the Chairman of the MUI (Indonesian Ulema Council) as well as the political elite among the Nadhiyin community. Surely he has an appeal in targeting Muslim voters. Moreover, NU, which is the largest Islamic mass organization in Indonesia, opened a wide road to the Jokowi-Maaruf Amin pair, strolling towards the Palace. Choosing and choosing or declaring their ideological or political choices is a part of human rights that cannot be contested, so that the involvement of ulamas in politics both as council and regional and central leaders is legitimate. However, when this involvement is placed in the context of practical politics or identity politics that can threaten the harmony of the life of the nation in the framework of diversity and unity. So the terminology of ulama and political secularization will be the right to realize the humanized and civilized Indonesia. Considering that ulama (Islam), pastors and other religious leaders have a role as spiritual teachers, they should focus on educating the nation not to be easily dragged into the heat of politics or identity politics, instead of competing to declare their support to make it a political fatwa. instead it fools and injures democracy and political rights of others.   Keywords: Politics, Secularization, Ulama

scholarly journals The Role of Law in the Social and Political Life of the Ukrainian Cossack State (Second Half of the 17th–18th centuries)

2019 ◽  
pp. 21-32
Author(s):  
Nadiia STENGACH
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Bank ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Legal Norms ◽  
Court Proceedings ◽  
The Right

Among the regulatory and communicative mechanisms of power establishment in the Ukrainian Cossack state is the leading propensity for legal solution of social and political issues — both in the environment of the elite and between the elite and subordinate strata. In the context of court proceedings, it is necessary to highlight the tendency to ensure adversarial process between the plaintiff and the defendant, to create the respondent’s conditions for defense, to direct the court’s work not only to punish, but also to restore justice, to judge impartially and collectively. All this meant rejection of Russian legal norms, which legitimized the «right of the strong». The focus on the impassive legal process was extrapolated to manifestations of both domestic and foreign policy. First of all, this was reflected in the rejection of political actions based on military pressure and coercion, which were recognized as illegitimate ones. In the domestic political aspect, there was the emphasized trend towards constitutional methods of regulating public life. In particular, state institutions purposefully created legal norms in those spheres of public activity where tradition was no longer able to regulate them. In the political and cultural life of the Cossacks’ elite, we also see a clearly defined tendency to regulate legally relations between the participants of the political process. The views formed within such limits denied arbitrariness as a method of solving social and legal problems. However, it should be noted that within the framework of judicial and legal practice of the time, such notions were practically not implemented. The institutional mechanisms of state decision making evolved from the General Council to the Council of General Officer Staff, and then to the representative institution of Ukrainian society — the Sejm. In the evolution of mechanisms for administrative positions, there is a clear tendency to oust the election process and replace it with kinship and clientela relations within the Cossacks’ elite. Nevertheless, the electorate tendencies in the Cossack class remained at the lowest levels of the administrative hierarchy until the decay of the Ukrainian Cossack state. This was due to the fact that the political elite of Hetmanshchyna resisted Russian attempts to interfere with the filling of state posts in Left Bank Ukraine, as well as due to the confrontation of officer groups for dominance over local governments. With the acceptance of ideas of the nobles’ republic by the General Officer Staff, we observe a new strengthening of the electorate institution. Asserting power among representatives of their own social class, the Cossacks’ elite tended to maintain a balance between encouragement and punishment. As for the subordinate classes, the propensity to use punishment and coercion was much more pronounced. There was, however, a marked tendency towards the legislative regulation of the force use. At the political and cultural level, arbitrariness had never been recognized as the lawful actions. Besides, it was not necessary for the Cossacks’ elite to resort to violence to persuade; the pressure of public opinion often was enough.

scholarly journals ANALISIS KEBIJAKAN WALI KOTA PROBOLINGGO DALAM PELAKSANAAN PEMBINAAN KEPEGAWAIAN DI LINGKUNGAN PEMERINTAHAN KOTA PROBOLINGGO

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-31
Author(s):  
Husni Mubaroq ◽  
Sohibul Watoni ◽  
Zairotul Hasanah
Keyword(s):  
Analytical Methods ◽  
Civil Servant ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

The concept of decentralization is the authority of the government that is delegated to the regions, including the authority of personnel in accordance with the decentralized functions. The regional head has the task of being a coach of the State Civil Apparatus in the concept of decentralization. There was a case that the Mayor of Probolinggo issued a decree to remove Tutang Heri Aribowo, who served as an Expert Staff at the Regional Secretariat of the City of Probolinggo. The Regional Government as a civil servant coach tends to abuse its authority. This happens because there is the influence of the political elite in giving disciplinary punishment to employees. The author wants to describe the problem in a study that uses descriptive analytical methods, namely descriptions of the facts and characteristics of a particular population or area in a systematic, factual and thorough manner. The data in this study collected materials by means of a library study. This study also uses a normative juridical method with a statutory approach. So that in this study we know the legal basics of this problem. In order to know the proper process and institution related to the case problem. This aims at employee disputes on the right track and there is no arbitrariness by the ASN supervisor. Keywords: Employment Disputes, Authority, Personnel Advisor

Presidential Term Limits in Nicaragua

2019 ◽  
pp. 159-178
Author(s):  
David Close
Keyword(s):  
Term Limits ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Government ◽  
Underlying Factor ◽  
Nineteenth And Twentieth Centuries ◽  
The Right ◽  
Personal Rule

Nicaragua is better known for its dictators and revolutions than for its experience with constitutional government. Yet Nicaragua has employed presidential term limits just over half of the time since becoming independent in 1821. Unfortunately, all these efforts were rolled back and the right to unlimited re-election restored. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the change was by coup or revolution, in the twenty-first by constitutional amendment. This chapter examines the four longest-lived examples of Nicaraguan presidential term limits to determine why they were adopted, how they worked, why they were abandoned, and what consequences the rollbacks brought. Although distinct factors were at work in each case, there is one underlying factor common to all: a preference for personal rule among large parts of both the political elite and the citizenry as a whole.

scholarly journals LET'S WORK TOGETHER! ECONOMIC COOPERATION, SOCIAL CAPITAL, AND CHANCES OF SOCIAL MOBILITY IN CLASSICAL ATHENS

2014 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marloes Deene
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Social Mobility ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Economic Cooperation ◽  
Close Friend ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Real Property ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
The Right

In the early fourth centurybc, a slave of possibly Phoenician origin, called Pasion, was owned by the Athenian bankers Antisthenes and Archestratos (Dem. 36.43). During the course of his slavery, Pasion quickly rose to become the trusted manager of his owners' money-changing and banking firm in Piraeus. After having been manumitted (Dem. 36.48), he took over the running of this bank (Isocr. 17,passim), became a very successful banker, and established a shield factory. His businesses prospered to the extent that by the time of his death in 370/369 he had assembled a fortune estimated at around 70 talents. With this money, Pasion made a number of generous benefactions to the Athenians, as a reward for which the Athenians passed a decree in his favour granting him a gold crown and the right of citizenship to him and his descendants ([Dem.] 59.2). As soon as he received his grant of citizenship, Pasion started to make use of his citizen rights and invested in real property. Although he was probably never actively involved in politics, he is known to have been a close friend of several members of the political elite, such as Agyrrhius of Collyte (Isocr. 17.31) and Callistratus of Aphnida (Dem. 49.47). Moreover, he had dealings with important public figures, such as Timotheus, son of Conon (Dem. 49,passim).

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