scholarly journals La ‘torre de marfil’ como apuesta segura: Políticas científicas y evaluación académica en México

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Vasen

The article analyzes the signals received by social researchers in Mexico regarding the type of production expected from them in merit pay programs. The institutional public discourse embodied in official documents is contrasted with the description of the evaluation carried out by the evaluators themselves. The research is based in document analysis and semi-structured interviews to evaluators. The main conclusion of the study is that there is an asymmetry between the public discourse of the institutions and the behaviors that are rewarded in the evaluation practices themselves. While the political discourse  promotes a model of researcher committed to knowledge transfer and mobilization activities , academic evaluation practices encourage a classic academic profile. These contradictions could be explained by the ability of scientists to influence the content of policies in pursuit of their own interests. On the other hand, from the point of view of policymakers, the weight that international publications have for university rankings could exempt scientists from giving another justification for the importance of their work.

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 266
Author(s):  
Osama Khaled Alkhlaifat

The aim of this study has been to investigate and provide a deeper understanding of the motives of silence towards the participation in the work-related decisions, in both the public and private schools in the Jordanian capital (Amman). ‘100’ teachers were interviewed using the semi-structured interviews through the available communication means. The pre-set questions were directed to the sample of the study to identify both the situations related to the decisions and motives leading to silence and non-participation from the respondents' point of view. The motives were classified according to the factors to which they belong, as well as the situations were classified according to each stage of the decision-making process, where some specialists in the field of human resources management had been asked to help in accomplishing the classification. The results showed that the largest percentage of respondents faced at least one situation in which they chose to remain silent. Most of the situations mentioned were related to the first and last stage of decision-making process (identifying the problem and following up the decision). The results also showed that most of the motives were related to the organizational practices by the officials, where the total iteration is twice as the personal motives.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 1641-1656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Volkmann

It is a long-established commonplace in any debate on immigration that immigrants should integrate into their receiving society. But integrate into what precisely? Into the labor market, into the legal order, into the political system, into a national culture whatever this might comprise? The Article tries to approach the question from the legal point of view and looks for hints or clues in the constitution which might help us with the answer. For this purpose, it explores the general theory of the constitution as it has been shaped by its professional interpreters as well as by political actors, the media and the public. The main intuition is that “constitution” is not only a written document, a text with a predefined, though maybe hidden meaning; instead, it is a social practice evolving over time and thereby reflecting the shared convictions of a political community of what is just and right. Talking about constitutional expectations toward immigrants then also tells us something about ourselves: about who we are and what kind of community we want to live in. As it turns out, we may not have a very clear idea of that.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 508-536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotta Lehti

The article shows that while public discourse is claimed to be undergoing a process of conversationalisation – i.e. adopting features of casual and informal communicative situations – this process does not apply to any great extent to French politicians’ blogs. The parameters investigated in a corpus of 80 politicians’ blog posts during September 2007 are private and informal topics, and conversation-like interaction. The main focus of the study is on the minority of blogs in the material which are in fact conversationalised. These blogs are examined from the point of view of persuasion, as devices in constructing a credible image of the author. The results show that while these few conversationalised blogs construct an image of the author as an ‘ordinary’ person close to the public, the majority of the blogs create an authorial image as a remote political expert. The extent to which the construction of a lay image is successful, however, is questioned in the analysis.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Saurette ◽  
Kelly Gordon

Abstract.This article analyzes the nature of contemporary anti-abortion discourse in Canada. Based on a rigorous qualitative and quantitative analysis of the public discourse of a wide variety of influential actors, this study shows that contemporary anti-abortion discourse in Canada is quite different than the portrait offered by traditional accounts. Specifically, our analysis demonstrates that the new anti-abortion discourse aims at changing cultural values more than legislation; is explicitly framed as ‘pro-woman’; largely avoids appealing to religious grounds; and relies on a new ‘abortion-harms-women’ argument that has supplanted and transformed traditional fetal personhood arguments. The article argues that these findings are important as they provide a more accurate account of the political discourse surrounding one of the most contentious issues in politics today and because they illustrate broader ideological patterns that are increasingly characteristic of Canadian political discourse.Résumé.Cet article propose d'analyser la nature du discours contemporain sur l'anti-avortement au Canada. Fondée sur une analyse qualitative et quantitative rigoureuse du discours public d'une grande variété d'acteurs influents, cette étude démontre que le discours contemporain sur l'anti-avortement au Canada se distingue de manière caractéristique du portrait qu'il en a traditionnellement été donné. Notre analyse révèle en particulier que le nouveau discours sur l'anti-avortement vise plutôt à transformer les valeurs culturelles que la législation; qu'il est explicitement formulé comme étant « pro-femme »; qu'il évite de faire appel à des motifs religieux; et qu'il déploie un nouvel argument, « l'avortement-nuit-aux-femmes », qui évince et transforme les arguments traditionnels qui cherchaient à accorder le statut de personne au fétus. Cet article argumente alors que ces constats sont importants non seulement parce qu'ils permettent de brosser un tableau plus complet du discours politique qui touche à l'une des questions les plus controversée de la politique contemporaine, mais également parce qu'ils mettent en évidence des tendances idéologiques de plus en plus caractéristiques du discours politique au Canada.


2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
João Décio Passos

Abstract This article analyses the situation of higher education courses in theology in Brazil, from a political and institutional point of view. It notes the need to adopt the epistemological status of theology itself as a parameter of institutionalization, in order to overcome the exclusively political criteria that have governed the process of accreditation of those courses, as well as the construction of curriculum guidelines. It affirms the ‘public’ aspect as inherent to theological reflection. Theology being a logos of faith structured originally within the university may, in the same space, be recognized as legitimate and established knowledge, according to the academic rules of the scientific community.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-46
Author(s):  
Bhakti Satrio Wicaksono

This article aims to find out what happened to digital democracy regarding the Dildo account case. This research uses descriptive qualitative research research methods. The type of observation method used is the non-participation observation method. The non-participant observation method is the method that researchers chose in conducting this research. The results of the study show that the view of digital democracy can be seen from two perspectives, namely the government and the people's point of view. Political parody basically offers a new way of engaging in the political world. The Dildo case shows that not everyone can freely express their opinion on social media. The freedom to voice opinions, especially through cyberspace, still cannot be said to be free. This can be seen with how when the Dildo account voices humor and national issues that are close to the public, it still gets contra opinions from other parties. The conclusion of the research is that political parody basically offers a new way of engaging in the political world. Dildo case shows that not everyone can freely express their opinion in social media. The existence of internet technology in terms of statehood can be a double-edged knife, especially on social media where information is spread so fast. Parody or current humor is treated wisely and is not necessarily considered a dangerous thing.


2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Dobryninas ◽  
M. Dobrynina ◽  
I. Česnienė ◽  
V. Giedraitis ◽  
R. Merkevičius

Santrauka. Kriminalinė justicija suprantama kaip socialinės kontrolės sistema, kuri per atitinkamą įstatymų leidybą, praktikas bei institucijas užtikrina nusikaltimų kontrolę ir prevenciją bei taiko poveikio priemones teisės pažeidėjams. Kriminalinės justicijos paskirtis demokratinėje visuomenėje atitinka jos narius vienijantį bendrą socialinį interesą – gyventi saugioje ir solidarioje visuomenėje, kurioje kiekvienam jos piliečiui yra užtikrinamas tinkamas saugumo lygis, paisoma jų teisių, o teisingumas vykdomas visiems vienodai ir teisingai. Nors Vakarų civilizacijos kriminalinės justicijos principams yra daugiau kaip du šimtai metų, jų įgyvendinimas visuomenėje nėra mechaninis ir priklauso nuo įvairių istorinių, kultūrinių, geografinių bei globalaus vystymosi aplinkybių. Straipsnyje, remiantis fenomenologinės sociologinės požiūriu, analizuojamos kriminalinės justicijos recepcijos konstravimo aspektai profesiniame lauke, jo sąsajos su makro (ekonomikos) bei mikro (psichologijos) socialiniais veiksniais, masinių medijų įtaka kriminalinės justicijos suvokimui visuomenėje. Atsižvelgiama ne tik į relevantiškas šiai problemai teorinius šaltinius, bet ir atliktos fokusuotų grupinių diskusijų rezultatus. Pirmame poskyryje analizuojami profesiniai teisiniai kriminalinės justicijos apibrėžimo aspektai, antrame – demonstruojami, kaip ekonominiai procesai gali keisti politinius kriminalinės justicijos tikslus. Trečias poskyris nagrinėja psichologinius veiksnius, kurie gali įtakoti paprastų žmonių sampratą apie kriminalinę justiciją. Ketvirtas poskyris pristato komunikacinius kriminalinės justicijos recepcijos visuomenėje aspektus.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: kriminalinė justicija, diskursai, ekonominiai ciklai, psichologinė recepcija, masinės medijos. Keywords: criminal justice, discourses, economic circles, psychological reception, mass media.ABSTRACT  On Perceptions of Criminal Justice in SocietyThe perception of criminal justice in society is a controversial social problem. Traditionally, criminal justice issues have been treated as a matter of professional interest for criminologists, criminal justice experts and other professionals from related fields. But is expert knowledge the only valid kind when it comes to criminal justice topics? This question, though rhetorical, is aimed at stimulating discussion about the co-existence of different types of social knowledge on criminal justice, and their impact on various discourses concerning crime and punishment in society. In this article a group of researchers from Vilnius University makes use of phenomenological methods to analyse three different types of discourse on criminal justice: professional, political and public. The professional discourse on criminal justice is scrutinised from the perspective of penal law, the political discourse from the point of view of macroeconomics, while the public discourse is analysed using ideas drawn from psychology and media studies. The analysis of these discourses seeks to examine the social construction of criminal justice, and the particularities of its reception among professionals, politicians and a wider public.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-197
Author(s):  
Stefan Wallaschek

The article analyses the discursive appeal to solidarity in the mass media during the unfolding of Europe’s migration crisis. Solidarity was claimed by numerous actors in the public discourse to legitimise political decisions and mobilise public opinion. While it seems that the call for solidarity was shared by many actors, media studies show the ‘partisan journalism’ of media outlets. Thus, the political orientation of media outlets influences their coverage of public debates. Hence, to what extent do different quality newspapers cover the same solidarity claims in times of crisis? In order to answer this question, the crisis coverage of two German and two Irish newspapers with centre-left and centre-right political orientations is examined via the discourse network methodology. Germany is selected due to high political parallelism and a strong affectedness by the crisis, while Ireland is selected because of low political parallelism and a weak affectedness by the migration crisis. The findings demonstrate that partisan journalism persists during Europe’s migration crisis. Especially German party actors are present in both countries, underpinning the central position of Germany. Regarding the appeal to solidarity, political solidarity claims prevail in all four newspapers, indicating the political-institutional asymmetry in the Common European Asylum System. The study contributes to the strategic framing of concepts in public debates and demonstrates that the left-right distinction of media outlets is hardly affected by the migration crisis.


2004 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bimal Jalan

This paper discusses the dynamics of economics, politics, and governance and its implications for the Indian economy in general and the governance issues of educational institutions in particular. Independent India was founded on a democratic framework and an operational governance structure. The vision was to attain the specific economic and social goals that the country had set for itself. What is puzzling is the fact that despite the ideal combination of economics, politics, and civil service, the expected results were not achieved. What might have happened is the development of a substantial gap between the economically sound and the politically feasible policies, on the one hand, and the disharmony between the different levels of the administrative machinery, on the other. The author agrees with the renowned economist, Hanson, who found an answer to the problem not in the theory of planning or the people making the plans but with the unrealistic assumptions about the likely responses of the people. For instance, it was assumed that the people elected to power, the citizens of the country, and the labour and management of the public enterprises would all work selflessly to achieve the economic objectives of the country. In reality, however, regional and sectional interests dominated the political and economic decisions making the Indian economy self-centric, narrow, and wasteful. The channelization of economic benefits to the special interest groups led to the lop-sided distribution of wealth. To add to this was the political corruption which was accepted as an unavoidable feature of the electoral process. Another blow came from the public sector enterprises which, instead of generating public savings, led to the accumulation of internal public debt and lower investment. What is unfortunate is that all this continued for a long time despite the realization that they were going against the basic assumptions of the post-Independence policy framework. Taking the issue of fee determination in the case of IIMs, the author feels that it is again a complex interplay of the three elements - economics, politics, and governance. The economic issue from the public policy point of view is: why the larger subsidy from public funds and for whose benefit? While it is a popular political move to grant subsidies, it is a matter of conscious political choice as to which target group should get the benefit. Towards making India's vision a reality, the author suggests the adoption of pragmatic and flexible approaches with the contemporary realities in mind. The steps would include: simplifying administrative procedures managing fiscal deficit through fiscal policy changes ensuring accountability through legal reforms avoiding bureaucratic interference eliminating administrative discretion While a lot needs to be done in all these areas, the author is confident that with the economic potential of the country and the innate ability of the people of this country, it would definitely be possible to realize the full potential within the next two decades.


Author(s):  
Zeynep Zafer

The flow of refugees and displaced people from the present territories of Bulgaria to the Ottoman Empire and Turkish Republic continued more than a century. In the scientific researches the refugee problem usually is considered from the political and historic point of view, the authors basing their studies mainly on official documents, treaties and bilateral agreements, protocols and reports preserved in different archives, in which personal experiences and human stories are lacking. The memories and the impressions of victims and witnesses shared in memoirs and in the press present the most vivid, intimate and realistic human stories. Some of the popular newspapers published testimonies and papers of the eviction from 1969 - 1978 which took place in the frame of a bilateral agreement. Three series of reportages published from the beginning of 1968 to the end of 1969 testified about the realistic attitudes of the Turkish minority, the personal drama of some of its representatives (leaving or staying in the totalitarian state) in the stormiest and full of tension years of negotiation, signing and starting the limited emigration. The aim of this research is to present the public discourse in Turkey about this exodus which have not found proper place in the researches.


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