scholarly journals An empirical analysis of student’s perception towards group work – a Middle East perspective

2018 ◽  
Vol 09 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammed Refeque ◽  
Kavitha Balakrishnan ◽  
Nihan Kutahnecioglu Inan ◽  
Madhubala Bava Harji
2021 ◽  
pp. 143-166
Author(s):  
Payam Ghalehdar

This chapter serves as an introduction to the second part of the book’s empirical analysis by sketching the evolution of US attitudes toward the Middle East. It shows how the United States relied on the British military to safeguard US interests in the region until the end of the 1960s and then on regional proxies after the British military withdrawal from the region. Even after the end of the Cold War, successive US administrations eschewed hegemonic expectations toward the region until the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The chapter concludes by briefly illustrating how the lack of both hegemonic pretensions and perceptions of anti-American hatred in Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait foreclosed US regime change in the 1991 Gulf War.


2015 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 335-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeanmarie Keim ◽  
Kristopher M. Goodrich ◽  
Gene Crofts ◽  
Tonya Walker

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shingo Hamanaka

This study examines the effect of the demographic trend on the breakdown of authoritarian regimes in the Middle East. Several scholars have pointed out that the combination of youth’s disproportionate share of the total population, the “youth bulge,” and high unemployment throws a society into turmoil. The demographic change determines not only how human activities are conducted but also how a society embarks on a political transition, such as a revolution, a state breakdown, or a regime change. I conduct two levels of empirical analysis of the political implications of the demographic dynamics in the Middle East. First, the macro-level analysis is based on cross-sectional data over two decades. This analysis will clarify whether the youth population had a significant effect on the Arab uprisings. Second, the micro-level analysis uses survey data from the Arab Democracy Barometer wave III to examine whether there is a significant correlation between youth and participation in protest. This analytical approach integrates the macro level with the micro level in order to avoid an ecological inference. My empirical analysis finds evidence to support Jack Goldstone’s revolution theory: it is built on demographic changes accompanied by rising food prices. The hypothesis is tested by examining the interactive effect of youth bulge and the deteriorating economic situation in the two decades following the end of the Cold War. The empirical tests at both the macro and micro levels identify a statistically significant effect.


2015 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emil Aslan Souleimanov ◽  
Huseyn Aliyev

Despite a considerable amount of ethnographic research into the phenomena of blood revenge and blood feud, little is known about the role of blood revenge in political violence, armed conflict, and irregular war. Yet blood revenge—widespread among many conflict-affected societies of the Middle East, North Africa, and beyond—is not confined to the realm of communal infighting, as previous research has presumed. An empirical analysis of Russia's two counterinsurgency campaigns in Chechnya suggests that the practice of blood revenge has functioned as an important mechanism in encouraging violent mobilization in the local population against the Russian troops and their Chechen proxies. The need to exact blood revenge has taken precedence over an individual's political views, or lack thereof. Triggered by the loss of a relative or humiliation, many apolitical Chechens who initially sought to avoid involvement in the hostilities or who had been skeptical of the insurgency mobilized to exact blood revenge to restore their individual and clan honor. Blood revenge functions as an effective, yet heavily underexplored, grievance-based mechanism encouraging violent mobilization in irregular wars.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vivienne Matthies-Boon

In his recent political writings, Habermas has opposed his cosmopolitan project to that of the Bushite neoconservatives.  However, this article argues that in some respects Habermas's works come closer to the neoconservative agenda than he realizes and that this poses a potential danger of its being appropriated by precisely the camp he opposes.  These problems particularly come to the fore in his analysis of Islamic fundamentalism, democracy and the Middle East, but also in his recommendations concerning UN-based internationalism and his appeals to Woodrow Wilson.  By tracking these problematic areas in Habermas's work, this article argues that Habermas needs to engage in a more carefully articulated, concrete and empirical analysis if he is to avoid these problems.


Equilibrium ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Dorota Zbierzchowska

This paper aims at presenting theoretical assumptions of the strategy of direct inflation targeting as well as profits and potential threats stemming from the acceptance of that strategy. Empirical analysis compares the results of implementation of the BCI strategy in the Central and Eastern European countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Romania, Slovakia, Hungary).


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 469a-469a
Author(s):  
Lasse Lindekilde

This article delivers an empirical analysis of the effects of Danish Muslims' transnational activities during the Muhammad cartoons controversy in 2005–6 on subsequent Muslim claims making in Denmark. The article argues that the envisioned “boomerang effect” of the transnational activities—the attempt to put pressure on Danish authorities by contacting political and religious authorities in the Middle East—backfired on Danish Muslims. The transnational move was successfully “securitized” by elements of the media and the political elite, inviting soft forms of repression against the Muslim actors, especially those involved in the “imam delegations” that traveled to Egypt, Lebanon, and Syria in December 2005. These actors were forced into a more defensive mode of claims making soon after their return to Denmark through processes of name calling and stigmatization. Building on this case study, the article concludes by suggesting some theoretical modifications/specifications to the boomerang model of transnational activism.


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