scholarly journals Intersectionality, Identity, and the Riddle of Class

2021 ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Sandro Mezzadra

In this essay I discuss a specific notion that has become particularly influential in framing the discussion of identity and identity politics – intersectionality. I show that the original formulation of that notion was crucially intertwined with debates on class and class politics. After shedding light on the “prehistory” of intersectionality in black feminism, I discuss the original formulations of the concept in the works of Kimberlé Crenshaw and Patricia Hill Collins. A focus on the notion of “oppression” as well as on the tensions between “irreducibility” and “simultaneity” of systems of oppression in intersectional writings leads me to examine some of the pitfalls of identity politics today. An attempt to rethink the notion of class in the light of intersectionality closes the essay.

2005 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 54-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorothy Sue Cobble

Verity Burgmann's call for a reinvigorated class politics and language is timely. This essay shares her goal of strengthening social movements in which class is taken seriously. It argues, however, that her efforts to resuscitate an antiquated class politics dressed up in identity clothes will not further that goal. This response offers an alternative reading of the nature and history of the “new” and the “old” social movements, of what can be learned about class and class-conscious movements from “identity politics” and from cultural theorists, and of what is needed to encourage future movements for social and economic justice. It calls for a class politics that recognizes the diversity of the working classes, embraces multiple class identities, reflects the fluid and multitiered class structures in which we live, and honors the aspirations of working people for inclusion, equity, and justice.


2005 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 22-25
Author(s):  
Mae M. Ngai

A set of politics that uses rhetoric, imagery, music, and performance to promote interests that are distinctively and explicitly identified with the working class, Burgmann productively suggests, might revitalize the labor movement. Yet the effort to apply lessons from “identity politics” to “class politics” reproduces two problems in contemporary radicalism. First, by reducing the movements of ethno-racial minorities, women, and gays and lesbians to “identity politics” Burgmann underestimates those movements' claims to civil rights, human rights, socioeconomic improvement, and their general democratic nature. Second, the use of “class” to explain the antiglobalization movement is anachronistic and inadequate to the task of understanding radical politics today.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-263
Author(s):  
Hongwei Bao

Abstract Celebrated as 'China's Tom of Finland', Xiyadie is probably one of the best-known queer artists living in China today. His identity as a gay man from rural China and his method of using the Chinese folk art of papercutting for queer artistic expression make him a unique figure in contemporary Chinese art. As the first academic article on the artist and his works, this article examines Xiyadie's transformation of identity in life and his representation of queer experiences through the art of papercutting. Using a critical biographical approach, in tandem with an analysis of his representative artworks, I examine the transformation of Xiyadie's identity from a folk artist to a queer artist. In doing so, I delineate the transformation and reification of human subjectivity and creativity under transnational capitalism. Meanwhile, I also seek possible means of desubjectivation and human agency under neo-liberal capitalism by considering the role of art in this picture. This article situates Xiyadie's life and artworks in a postsocialist context where class politics gave way to identity politics in cultural production. It calls for a reinvigoration of Marxist and socialist perspectives for a nuanced critical understanding of contemporary art production and social identities.


2013 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 171-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Timár ◽  
Sz. Fabula

Abstract. In response to the economic crisis in 2009, the Hungarian government reduced the level of support for the employment of impaired people. The withdrawal of this state support has not only resulted in a massive wave of dismissals, but has also transformed some peripheral settlements into spaces of resistance. The research presented in this paper was conducted to understand the nature of political actions organised in Békés County (one of Hungary's disadvantaged regions) in order to support the social employment of impaired people. By analysing these political actions we have highlighted certain contradictions of applying the concept of identity politics in a post-socialist context, and the advantages of a combined, biosocial model. On the one hand, the outline of the political and economic situation helped us understand that the analysed social protests only resembled identity politics. In reality, they may even have contributed to the reproduction of ableism. On the other hand, by integrating individual experiences into the social model of disability we could also reveal that according to our impaired interviewees, it is not only their impairments and/or disabilities that render daily life difficult. Their firm call for changes in both economic and regional policy suggests that the deliberate and combined use of identity and class politics would be particularly important. Overall, our results suggest that it is essential for scholars in Hungary to engage more strongly in critical disability geography and to thus help the approach take root and develop further.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashok Kumar ◽  
Adam Elliott-Cooper ◽  
Shruti Iyer ◽  
Dalia Gebrial

Abstract This special issue responds to ongoing debates around what has been termed ‘identity politics’. We aim to intervene in what are make-or-break questions for the Left today. Specifically, we wish to provoke further interrogative but comradely conversation that works towards breaking-down the wedge between vulgar economism and vulgar culturalism. Critically, we maintain that just as all identity categories are spatially and temporally contingent – socially constructed, yet naturalised – so too is this current bifurcation between ‘class politics’ and ‘identity politics’. Ultimately, we call for an intellectual and organisational embracing of the complexity of identity as it figures in contemporary conditions; being a core organising-principle of capitalism as it functions today, a paradigm that Leftist struggle can be organised through and around – and yet all with a recognition of the necessity of historicising, and ultimately abolishing, these categories along with capitalism itself.


2015 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
John D. Huber ◽  
Pavithra Suryanarayan

Why does ethnicity become a salient element of electoral politics in some places but not others? The authors argue that in majoritarian systems, ethnic identity is most salient to electoral behavior when there are high levels of inequality between ethnic groups. Theytest this argument in the Indian states and find that state-level party system ethnification is strongly correlated with economic inequality between groups, a pattern they also find in cross-national data. Theyalso show that in India, when income differences between groups increase, the groups tend to support different parties. The analysis reveals a strong class component to ethnic politics in India, underscoring the possibility that what scholars often view as identity politics can have an element of class politics in disguise.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7) ◽  
pp. 547
Author(s):  
J. Aaron Simmons

Kierkegaard’s authorship is frequently charged with being so radically individualistic that his work is of little use to social theory. However, in this essay, I argue that Kierkegaard’s notion of “the single individual” actually offers important critical resources for some aspects of contemporary identity politics. Through a focused consideration of the two notes that form the little essay, “The Individual” (published with Point of View), I suggest that Kierkegaard does not ignore embodied historical existence, as is sometimes claimed, but instead simply rejects the idea that one’s moral dignity is determined by, or reducible to, such embodied differentiation. Instead, what we find in Kierkegaard is a rejection of the quantitative judgment of “the crowd” in favor of the qualitative neighbor-love of community. In light of Kierkegaard’s claim that it is the specifically religious category of the single individual that makes possible true human equality, I contend that we can develop a Kierkegaardian identity theory consistent with some aspects of the standpoint and intersectionality theory of Patricia Hill Collins and Kimberlé Crenshaw. Although Collins and Crenshaw operate at a structural level and Kierkegaard works at a theological level, they all offer important reminders to each other about the stakes of lives of meaning in light of the embodied task of social justice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Andre Ikhsano ◽  
Jakarudi Jakarudi

Hidden Figures is a film based on the true story of three African American women who help NASA in the space race. The three African American women are Katherine G. Johnson, Mary Jackson, and Dorothy Vaughan. With the setting of the 1960s era, these three women are fighting against a climate of segregation (separation based on race or skin color) in their work environment (NASA). This study aims to explore Patricia Hill Collins’ theory of black feminism and to integrate it with Stella Ting-Toomey’s theory of face-negotiation. This research is based on a critical paradigm and uses a qualitative approach. Using Sara Mills’s critical discourse analysis as a data analysis technique, this study found a representation of black feminism in the film Hidden Figures. The discrimination experienced by the characters is in the form of racism, sexism, and classism. However, the resistance carried out by the characters is through self definition, not in safe spaces as mentioned by Collins. The characters also do not avoid conflict, but use a negotiation approach with a compromising style to achieve a win-win solution.Keywords: Black feminism, face-negotiation, racism, sexism, classism ABSTRAKHidden Figures adalah film yang diangkat berdasarkan kisah nyata tiga perempuan Afro-Amerika yang membantu NASA dalam space race. Ketiga perempuan Afro-Amerika itu adalah Katherine G. Johnson, Mary Jackson, dan Dorothy Vaughan. Dengan setting waktu era 1960-an, ketiga perempuan ini berjuang melawan iklim segregasi (pemisahan berdasarkan pada ras atau warna kulit) di lingkungan kerja mereka (NASA). Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendalami teori black feminism Patricia Hill Collins dan hendak mengintegrasikannya dengan teori face-negotiation Stella Ting-Toomey. Penelitian ini didasarkan pada paradigma kritis dan menggunakan penekatan kualitatif. Menggunakan analisis wacana kritis Sara Mills sebagai teknik analisis data, penelitian ini menemukan representasi black feminism di dalam film Hidden Figures. Diskriminasi yang dialami para tokoh adalah berupa racism, sexism, dan classism. Akan tetapi, perlawanan yang dilakukan para tokoh adalah melalui self definition, tidak dilakukan dalam safe spaces sebagaimana disinggung oleh Collins. Para tokoh juga tidak menghindari konflik, namun menggunakan pendekatan negosiasi dengan gaya compromising style dalam mencapai win-win solution.Kata Kunci: Black feminism, face-negotiation, racism, sexism, classism


Author(s):  
Philip M. Gentry

The book’s epilogue fast-forwards to a brief case study of contemporary music and identity politics. The Broadway musical Hamilton found great success just as the 2016 Democratic Party primary race between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders foregrounded a political divide between so-called identity and class politics. From their earliest days, identity politics have offered a model of solidarity and connectedness, a privileging, in the famous phrase, of the personal as the political. Hamilton does not rewrite history, but it does rewrite how it is felt and who gets to do the feeling. It is not enough simply to achieve some sort of psychological self-actualization, solely on one’s own, individual terms. The epilogue argues for a more nuanced understanding of identity politics as a particularly effective model for building solidarity, as our best chance for creating positive change.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document