Going Beyond the Gini Ratio Individual Normative Values about Income Inequality in the Philippines

2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 453
Author(s):  
Stephen Tay
2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 10013
Author(s):  
Suryahani Irma ◽  
Susilowati Indah ◽  
S. B. M. Nugroho

Income inequality is an important issue in Indonesia. Currently the income inequality in Indonesia is worse than in Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos, although it is better than the Philippines and China. This study aimed to analyze the influence of economic growth per capita and foreign direct investment on income inequality in Indonesia.The study period was from 2007 to 2016. This study used a multiple linear regression. The results showed that economic growth per capita and foreign direct investmenthad positive influence onincome inequality. Therefore, the role of economic growth per capita and foreign direct investment will remain high in the future.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-56
Author(s):  
Mansor Ibrahim

The present paper seeks to assess the implications of increasing financial sector size on income inequality in eight Asian countries - Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and South Korea.  Adopting a panel data approach, it document a non-linear relation between income inequality and financial sector size in these countries.  More precisely, the increasing financial sector size is favourable to equal income distribution only up until a size threshold, beyond which further expansion of the financial sector can worsen income distribution.  The analysis further highlights the income-equalizing effect of economic growth and infrastructure development and the income un-equalizing effect of trade and government expenditures.  These results are robust to alternative model specifications and to exclusion of a country at a time from the sample.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 98-121
Author(s):  
Fermina Vergara ◽  
Rachelle Lintao

Information communicated and produced by the government is essentially fundamental as the government is set and deemed as a reliable and a credible source of information. This study assessed the readability, comprehensibility, and document design of two brochures on prohibited drugs awareness, which were produced and distributed by the Dangerous Drugs Board (DDB), a government agency that is responsible in instituting policies about the use of illegal drugs in the Philippines. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods, a total number of 120 participants comprised of students, those employed, the unemployed, and drug patients from a rehabilitation center answered two 10-item multiple choice questionnaires and Likert scales to assess and evaluate the comprehensibility and document design of the two brochures. Using the Coh-Metrix tool to analyze the readability of the two brochures, results showed that the two existing brochures were not that readable with the huge discrepancy of the readability levels of the docments against the 9-10 normative values of the reading tool utilized.  The results of the participants’ scores which were categorized as instructional or assisted level exhibited that the two brochures were not that comprehensible. Lastly, it was found that the designs of the documents were poor as some violations like small font size, pixelated pictures, and non-observance of color schemes were present. This paper argues that government agencies should produce information brochures that are patterned to the standards of Plain Language Movement in order to help the lay people grasp important information such as drug awareness.


Author(s):  
Stuart J. Kaufman

The symbolic politics theory of ethnic war starts from the insight that most political behavior is not rational but intuitive, driven by “symbolic predispositions” such as ideological beliefs, normative values, and prejudice. The way leaders lead is by using rhetoric not to appeal rationally to followers’ interests but to appeal emotionally to their symbolic predispositions. According to symbolic politics theory, the path to ethnic conflict begins with group narratives that are hostile to another group. These narratives help to generate hostile and prejudiced symbolic predispositions. If group members perceive a social threat, such as to their group identity or status, they become more likely to join mass movements agitating for a politics of redistribution—discriminating in favor of their own group at the expense of rival groups. If people feel physically threatened, they become more likely to support a politics of protection leading to violent ethnic conflict. These popular attitudes and moods are turned into social movements or military mobilization if aggressive leaders emerge, framing political issues in terms of these threats, and if those leaders are both credible and supported by effective organizations. A series of case studies has demonstrated that this process—from narratives to prejudice and threat perceptions, harnessed by leadership and organization—is what occurred in ten ethnic civil wars, including the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Israel-Palestine, and the Philippines. The theory also explains less violent cases such as Gandhi’s nationalist movement in India. This theory is hypothesized to apply to international war, as the politics of national identity is similar to the politics of ethnic identity. The theory also suggests a way of reconciling realist, liberal, and constructivist accounts of international relations through political psychology and a scientific realist ontology.


2002 ◽  
Vol 17 (S2) ◽  
pp. S27
Author(s):  
Teodoro Javier Herbosa

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