The Third Great Awakening: Religion and the Civil Rights Movement

2005 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Michael Giggie
2011 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 105-130
Author(s):  
Hanes Walton ◽  
Josephine A.V. Allen ◽  
Sherman C. Puckett ◽  
Donald R. Deskins

Best known for the innovative historical and analytical concept of the “Second Reconstruction,” Professor C. Vann Woodward is much less known for his other related and linked concept the “Third Reconstruction.” Moreover, this latter concept is clearly not as well understood, described, and explained, as was the initial one. Yet, it exists. Professor Woodward in the updated third edition of his classic, The Burden of Southern History (which came out initially in 1968, 1991, 1993, and 2008 with an added Postscript in April of 1968 after the assassination of Reverend Doctor Martin Luther King), discusses the “Third Reconstruction” in Chapter Eight entitled: “What Happened to the Civil Rights Movement” (Woodward 2008, 186).


Protests abound in contemporary political life, including in the United States: One-fifth of Americans reported having participated in a political protest between early 2016 and early 2018. Protest and Dissent examines the justification, strategy, and limits of mass demonstrations and other forms of resistance, drawing, in the distinctive NOMOS fashion, from political science, philosophy, and law. Its linked chapters are informed by African American political thought, Gandhian nonviolence, the history of the Civil Rights Movement, and the dynamics of recent social movements. In the ten chapters of Protest and Dissent, the authors challenge their fellow contributors and readers to reimagine the boundaries between civil and uncivil disagreement, between political reform and radical transformation, and between democratic ends and means. The volume has three parts. The first takes up the justification of civil and uncivil disobedience; the second addresses the strategic logic of political protest; and the third analyzes the democratic implications of protest and dissent, including in comparative perspective.


2012 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-118
Author(s):  
Clayton R. Koppes

George F. Kennan is renowned as the author of the containment doctrine and subsequently as a critic of American Cold War policy. But other elements of his thought, which have been neglected, are integral to a reconsideration of his stature. He distrusted democracy and proposed ways to limit its expression, discounted movements for human rights in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, believed Hispanics posed a threat to the United States, and often argued against the national liberation aspirations in the Third World (which he considered largely irrelevant to Great Power diplomacy). He failed to grasp the connection between the U.S. civil rights movement and foreign policy. These weaknesses limited his usefulness as a policy adviser and still cloud his legacy as America’s “conscience.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-551 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Chase

Chartism was in effect Britain’s civil rights movement and petitioning was at its heart: it defined who the Chartists were as well as the “other” against which they were implacably opposed. Its history has been effectively narrated around its three national petitions (1839, 1842, and 1848), and its decline almost habitually and directly linked to circumstances surrounding the last of these. More than 3.3 million people signed the 1842 National Petition. Chartism’s history after 1842 is partly one of how the State learned to manage the movement in general and petitioning in particular. The question posed by the title is deliberately ambiguous: What did the Chartists petition for and, equally, why did they bother? The first issue will be answered by a close reading of the three texts (surprisingly not undertaken by previous historians of the movement). The second will answered through an analysis of the wider uses of petitioning. The third issue addressed by this article is how petitioning constructed Chartism. In every contributing locality, canvassing was a major intervention in political life. The subscriptional community created by its petitions were “the people,” a term that clearly included not only men but also women and children. This was a different and wider meaning of the term “the people” from that used by Chartism’s opponents and it was a profound departure. Petitioning shaped, articulated, and mobilized the politics of a nascent working class, “banded together in one solemn and holy league” but excluded from economic and political power.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 78-100
Author(s):  
Benjamin Houston

This article discusses an international exhibition that detailed the recent history of African Americans in Pittsburgh. Methodologically, the exhibition paired oral history excerpts with selected historic photographs to evoke a sense of Black life during the twentieth century. Thematically, showcasing the Black experience in Pittsburgh provided a chance to provoke among a wider public more nuanced understandings of the civil rights movement, an era particularly prone to problematic and superficial misreadings, but also to interject an African American perspective into the scholarship on deindustrializing cities, a literature which treats racism mostly in white-centric terms. This essay focuses on the choices made in reconciling these thematic and methodological dimensions when designing this exhibition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Asa McKercher

Too Close for Comfort: Canada, the U.S. Civil Rights Movement, and the North American Colo(u)r Line


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