The Voluntary Sector's War on Poverty

2004 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 275-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Morris

In 1970, Elizabeth Wickenden, a longtime activist on behalf of public social provision and a broker between voluntary social welfare agencies and the federal government, despaired of a quiet revolution occurring in social service provision. “Virtually unchallenged and undebated,” she observed, “the principle established with the first large-scale federal welfare program, the Federal Emergency Welfare Administration [sic], that public funds should only be expended by public agencies, was quietly repudiated.” Through a series of domestic initiatives, including the Economic Opportunity Act of 1965 and amendments to the Social Security Act in 1967, the federal government had begun to channel a significant amount of money through nongovernmental organizations. To older activists like Wickenden, who had fought hard to build the public infrastructure of the welfare state, such a trend was troubling, as it seemed to indicate a dwindling commitment to public social provision that had informed New Deal social policy.

Author(s):  
David R. Mayhew

This chapter navigates the 1930s and groups two impulses into it: responding to the Great Depression and building a welfare state equipped with instruments of social provision. Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the Democrats blended these two impulses when they executed their New Deal in the 1930s. However, on current inspection, the blend is confusing and sometimes contradictory, and there is a difference in time span. Responding to the Great Depression was clearly a 1930s drive; whereas the Social Security Act of 1935 still enjoys its high place at the top of the American welfare state. The chapter shows how the timeline on building U.S. social provision runs a lot longer before and afterward.


2001 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 439-467
Author(s):  
Dayna Bowen Matthew

In 1964 President Lyndon B. Johnson declared a “War on Poverty.” By 1965 Congress had enacted several key weapons in that war, including two massive revisions to the Social Security Act designed to provide broad access to healthcare for if. the elderly, the disabled and poor, uninsured pregnant women and infants. The current Medicare and Medicaid health insurance programs, along with the State Children's Health Insurance Program, provide health insurance and thus, access to healthcare, for 60% of people living in poverty. Medicaid alone pays for half of all nursing home care in this country. Medicare pays for hospital care for over 32.4 million elderly Americans, and for 3.7 million disabled Americans. Medicare and Medicaid have been called the “lynch pin” in the nation's strategy to assure access to healthcare for low income Americans. In short, the War on Poverty is not effective without the access to healthcare Medicare and Medicaid afford to the poor, elderly and disabled.


Author(s):  
Natalie M. Fousekis

This chapter explores what happened to child care coalition when the federal government provided new child care funds. Child care did not have the same meaning for federal officials and for the early childhood educators and mothers. The federal government's goal was to provide compensatory education to poor children through programs such as Head Start and to reduce welfare rolls with the Public Welfare amendments to the Social Security Act. Unfortunately, these programs symbolically and practically linked child care to “welfare mothers” and their children. Advocates, who by this time has confidence in their influence, effectiveness, and place in the democratic process, encountered a federal government that considered child care an appropriate service only for the poorest Americans.


1977 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-76
Author(s):  
George J. Annas

The rapid growth of medical technology gives rise to difficult dilemmas concerning the appropriateness of, and access to, new equipment and devices capable of maintaining life or improving its quality. Such a dilemma already exists, for example, with regard to kidney dialysis machines. In 1972, Congress amended the Social Security Act to make such machines available under Medicare to all who needed them. But almost immediately the overwhelming cost of such equipment—in the billions of dollars—made the original appropriations totally inadequate, and prompted serious questions of whether access to kidney dialysis should be made available at public expense—and, if so, to whom.This Comment takes the reader 25 years into the future through the medium of a hypothetical U.S. Supreme Court decision** regarding a federal health agency's regulations that establish a system for allocating artificial hearts to those whose lives can be lengthened by implantation. The author assumes that a national health insurance system has been enacted and implemented, that all physicians are employees of the federal government, and that the enabling legislation has placed broad powers in the hands of the federal government to regulate the development and allocation of scarce and expensive medical resources. The opinions of the various Supreme Court Justices reflect a broad range of legal and ethical viewpoints, and—in keeping with the difficult, indeed frightening, life-or-death issues involved—are often intensely personal in nature.


Author(s):  
Felix L. Armfield

This chapter discusses Eugene Kinckle Jones's resignation from the position of executive secretary of the Urban League in 1940 and his assumption of the title of general secretary until 1950, as well as the profound changes to the social-work paradigm that occurred during this period. Following the Great Depression, the complexity of state and federal intervention drastically changed social-work programs. Particularly following the adoption of the Social Security Act in 1935, many social reformers, black and white, began looking to government- rather than community-initiated relief. By the 1930s, there was a gradual move away from the community settlement-house concept toward the establishment of government welfare agencies. The chapter concludes with an overview of Jones's work and life from 1940 until his retirement in 1950.


Author(s):  
Philip R. Popple

Formal or institutional social services began in the United States in the late 19th century as a response to problems that were rapidly increasing as a result of modernization. These services were almost entirely private until the Great Depression in the 1930s when the government became involved via provisions of the Social Security Act. Services expanded greatly, beginning in the 1960s when the federal government developed a system wherein services were supported by public funds but provided through contracts with private agencies. This trend has continued and expanded, resulting in a uniquely American system wherein private agencies serve as vehicles for government social service policy.


Author(s):  
John Kenneth Galbraith

This chapter examines the rise of the welfare state in the United States following the Great Depression. It begins with a historical background on the welfare state, tracing its origins to Germany under Count Otto von Bismarck and discussing Britain's social welfare legislation that was passed in 1911. It then considers the views of Arthur C. Pigou, who published his basic work on economics, The Economics of Welfare, in 1920, and a host of factors that sparked the movement toward the welfare state. In particular, it looks at the role of the institutionalists, led by John R. Commons, and the University of Wisconsin as the source of both the ideas and the practical initiative basic to the welfare legislation. Finally, it describes the Social Security Act of 1935 and the business reaction to it.


1986 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 284-293
Author(s):  
Najeem Ade-Lawal

Administrators usually prefer to think of themselves as “men of action.” Perhaps they are. But one thing is certain, namely, that every decision arrived at by such men of public affairs is informed by their own “theories” of the phenomenon - to which the policies and measures deriving from it are addressed. And this is so even when the administrators fail to make explicit the theoretical basis of their decisions. It is so even when they themselves are not fully and consciously aware of the theories that they are using. Furthermore, any policy decision is only as good as the theory which informed its formulations; and wrong theories of a problem can produce only wrong “diagnosis” of it and wrong decisions as to how to deal with it. This is true whether the particular problem in question is lung cancer or mass poverty.1 The most serious social problem undermining progress in the world today is poverty. It has emerged as an important social issue in many developed and developing countries: Yet, it is difficult to say that an end of the war against poverty is in sight. Rowntree and Lavers argued, that the policies of the welfare state—full employment, provision for emergencies and so on—had almost entirely eradicated “primary poverty” in Britain where the war on poverty has gone on longest? It is also true to say that the basic structure of economic and social relations which generates poverty as a byproduct of its normal functioning has remained largely unscathed in the prolonged campaign. This paper will assume three considerations contrary to conventional notions, that (1) a particular power configuration in the past provided the-social setting of the current poverty structure; (2) the present structure of power determines the nature and effectiveness of poverty policies; and (3) that successful elimination depends on the future of power constellations in the country.


1943 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 642-660
Author(s):  
Jacobus TenBroek

Delegation of Legislative Power: To the Federal Government. The rapidly growing practice of making state agencies which administer social security laws responsible for bringing them into and keeping them in conformity with the federal Social Security Act came under review by the Washington supreme court. Immediately following adoption of the Senior Citizens Grants Act as an initiative measure in November, 1940, the federal Social Security Board began withholding the matching funds on the ground that the flat exemption of specified items of an applicant's income and resources failed to comply with the requirements of the national act. After three and a half months, the state administrators yielded to the persuasion of the Social Security Board and issued rules which in effect nullified the federally objectionable features, and at the same time detailed how the items formerly exempted were to be considered. A divided court sustained both the rules and the law. The majority concluded that the Washington law was intended to be construed in harmony with the federal act, as that act is amended and interpreted by its administrators. Accordingly, they viewed and approved the delegation chiefly as one which authorized the local administrators to declare certain portions of the act inoperative if they found them in conflict with the federal law. The situation was declared to be one in which “the Legislature enacted a statute under which the executive determines some fact or status upon the existence of which the operation of the statute is to depend.” This theory, of course, makes the function more judicial than legislative, as was pointed out in the dissenting opinion. But the theory completely ignores the fact that, after suspending the proscribed sections, the state administrators wrote their own set of definitions and rules, which were then instituted as a budgetary system.


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