“The Most Unjust Piece of Legislation”: Section 213 of the Economy Act of 1932 and Feminism During the New Deal

2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 516-541 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Thomas McGuire
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
New Deal ◽  
National Woman's Party ◽  
The New Deal ◽  
Government Worker

In February 1936, a former federal government worker named Gussie E. Howell penned a letter to Grace Brewer, director of the Governmental Workers' Council (gwc) of the National Woman's Party (nwp). Howell, who lived in Texas, had apparently heard from colleagues about a questionnaire sent out by the nwp about the effects of Section 213 of the Economy Act of 1932 (“Section 213”). Howell said that while she had not seen the questionnaire, she wanted to describe the effect of Section 213 on her life.

Between New York and Washington

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix L. Armfield
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Community Development ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Fund Raising ◽  
Institution Building ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
Black Social Workers ◽  
Relief Efforts ◽  
The New Deal

This chapter covers Eugene Kinckle Jones's involvement with the federal government, as he had political ties to the two presidents in office during his tenure with the NUL, Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt, whose administrations sought and received advice and active participation from Jones and the NUL. The late 1920s ushered in a new day in national reform policies, after all, and Jones had proven himself as a progressive reformer. Thus the chapter examines how black social workers responded to “relief” efforts and the ways they facilitated institution building and community development during the 1930s. It also examines Jones's fund-raising activities, his relations with white philanthropists, and his position within the Department of Commerce during the New Deal era..

scholarly journals Donald Trump and the Republican Party: The Making of a Faustian Bargain

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Kenneth White
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
State And Local ◽  
Reagan Era ◽  
Changing Demographics ◽  
The New Deal ◽  
Local Levels

Donald Trump’s presidency is likely to become what Stephen Skowronek once labeled as a “disjunctive presidency.”  Trump’s election in 2016 and the issue positions he has taken mark the end of the Reagan Era.  Just as Jimmy Carter’s one-term signaled the end of the New Deal era begun by Franklin D. Roosevelt, so, too, does Trump’s already troubled presidency signify the end of Reagan’s conservatism. Changing demographics have hastened the end of the Reagan era, and the next presidential contest is likely to be one that James David Barber called a “politics as conscience,” not a conflict election to which Trump was well-suited.  Trump’s victory, along with the end of the Reagan era, also signals a moment of significant danger for the Republican Party, despite the present unified GOP control of the federal government and recent gains that the party has made at the state and local levels.

scholarly journals The Politics of Administrative Law: New York's Anti-Bureaucracy Clause and the O'Brian-Wagner Campaign of 1938

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel R. Ernst
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Attorney General ◽  
Administrative Law ◽  
The State ◽  
National Scale ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
Franklin Roosevelt ◽  
The New Deal

In April 1938 New York's first constitutional convention since 1915 convened in Albany. When it adjourned in late August, one of the amendments slated for a referendum that fall was an “anti-bureaucracy clause,” a provision that would greatly increase the New York courts' oversight of the state's agencies. Although voters rejected it, contemporaries saw the anti-bureaucracy clause as a harbinger of a national campaign against the New Deal. In September 1938 Charles Wyzanski, a former member of the Solicitor General's office, warned Attorney General Homer Cummings that the anti-bureaucracy clause was “the advance signal of an approaching partisan attack on a national scale.” Wyzanski was right: in early 1939 a bill endorsed by the American Bar Association's House of Delegates was introduced in Congress by Representative Francis Walter and Senator Marvel Mills Logan. Just as the New York provision “would have almost certainly destroyed the effectiveness of the state administrative agencies,” the New Dealer Abe Feller warned Cummings's successor, so would the Walter-Logan bill hamstring the federal government. When President Franklin Roosevelt vetoed the bill in December 1940, he declared it part of a national campaign that had begun with the anti-bureaucracy clause.

Popular Control of Public Policy: A Normal Vote Analysis of the 1968 Election

1972 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 429-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard W. Boyd
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
The New Deal ◽  
Popular Control

The importance of issues in deciding elections changes from one election to the next. As Key has shown, the issues of the role of the federal government in social life helped create the New Deal Democratic majority. In contrast, issues had only a marginal impact on the apolitical elections of the 1950s. Converse's technique of normal vote analysis reveals that issues were again highly related to the vote in 1968. This was particularly true of attitudes toward Vietnam, urban unrest and race, social welfare, and Johnson's performance as president.Yet, even in an election in which issues appear important, some can have very different consequences for popular control of policy than others. On some issues, the electorate exercises no effective constraints on leaders' policy choices. On others (e.g., the escalation in Vietnam), the electorate permits leaders a wide array of options when a policy is adopted and passes a retrospective judgment on such choices in subsequent elections. Finally, on still other issues, the public may limit the options of leaders at the time a policy is adopted. The paper suggests the stringent conditions necessary for this type of popular control to exist.

scholarly journals The New Deal, Race, and Home Ownership in the 1920s and 1930s

2011 ◽  
Vol 101 (3) ◽  
pp. 366-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trevor M Kollmann ◽  
Price V Fishback
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Cross Sections ◽  
Home Ownership ◽  
Public Works ◽  
Housing Policies ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Pseudo Panel ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
The New Deal

Many federal government housing policies began during the New Deal of the 1930s. Many claim that minorities benefitted less from these policies than whites. We estimate the relationships between policies in the 1920s and 1930s and black and white home ownership in farm and nonfarm settings using a pseudo-panel of repeated cross-sections of households in 1920, 1930, and 1940 matched with policy measures in 460 state economic areas. The policies examined include FHA mortgage insurance, HOLC loan refinancing, state mortgage moratoria, farm loan programs, public housing, public works and relief, and payments to farmers to take land out of production.

scholarly journals Standing Athwart History, Yelling Stop: The Emergence of American Movement Conservatism, 1945-1965

2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 15-33
Author(s):  
Niels Bjerre-Poulsen
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Tea Party ◽  
Conservative Movement ◽  
Tea Party Movement ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The New Deal

The article analyzes the emergence of the American conservative movement as a postwar reaction to the New Deal order and the new role of the federal government. It discusses the different concepts, and the sometimes conflicting aims of the various strains of the conservative movement, as well as the inherent tension between political populism and the quest for intellectual respectability. It also takes a comparative view of the “Radical Right” of the 1960s and the current “Tea Party movement,” and discusses how the conditions for “ideological gatekeeping” have changed.

Measuring performance of US homeownership policies past and present

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-203
Author(s):  
Richard A. Graff
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Mortgage Market ◽  
Past Century ◽  
Housing Crisis ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Primary Driver ◽  
Laissez Faire ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The New Deal

Purpose The past century and a quarter can be divided into three successive eras for homeownership policy characterization. For the first four decades, the federal government pursued a laissez-faire policy that left housing issues to the individual states and private markets. For the next six decades, the federal government implemented a policy created as part of the Roosevelt New Deal program. Finally, the Clinton administration discarded the New Deal policy in favor of a more aggressive policy that has continued to the present day. The purpose of this study is to compare the performance of the respective policies. Design/methodology/approach The study introduces two metrics. The first metric, based on government homeownership rate data, enables comparison of the laissez-faire and New Deal policies. The second metric, based on financial frictions in the mortgage market, enables comparison of the New Deal and Clinton policies. Findings Analysis based on the first metric suggests the New Deal policy was successful in meeting its macroeconomic objectives and was more effective overall than the laissez-faire policy. Analysis based on the second metric suggests the New Deal policy was also more successful in both respects than the Clinton policy. Practical implications The findings suggest that the Clinton homeownership policy was the primary driver behind the recent US housing crisis and that vulnerability in the secondary mortgage market created by the Clinton policy represents systemic housing market risk. Originality/value The study introduces simple analytical tools to address problems related to systemic risk in the US housing and housing finance markets due to homeownership policy.

Verán ustedes las chozas más humildes. El discurso de pobreza en la diplomacia pública cardenista dirigida a Estados Unidos

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas ◽  
The New Deal

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.

Confluencia geopolítica entre Cárdenas y Roosevelt:

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-254
Author(s):  
Andreu Espasa
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The New Deal

De forma un tanto paradójica, a finales de los años treinta, las relaciones entre México y Estados Unidos sufrieron uno de los momentos de máxima tensión, para pasar, a continuación, a experimentar una notable mejoría, alcanzando el cénit en la alianza política y militar sellada durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El episodio catalizador de la tensión y posterior reconciliación fue, sin duda, el conflicto diplomático planteado tras la nacionalización petrolera de 1938. De entre los factores que propiciaron la solución pacífica y negociada al conflicto petrolero, el presente artículo se centra en analizar dos fenómenos del momento. En primer lugar, siguiendo un orden de relevancia, se examina el papel que tuvo la Guerra Civil Española. Aunque las posturas de ambos gobiernos ante el conflicto español fueron sustancialmente distintas, las interpretaciones y las lecciones sobre sus posibles consecuencias permitieron un mayor entendimiento entre los dos países vecinos. En segundo lugar, también se analizarán las afinidades ideológicas entre el New Deal y el cardenismo en el contexto de la crisis mundial económica y política de los años treinta, con el fin de entender su papel lubricante en las relaciones bilaterales de la época. Somewhat paradoxically, at the end of the 1930s, the relationship between Mexico and the United States experienced one of its tensest moments, after which it dramatically improved, reaching its zenith in the political and military alliance cemented during World War II. The catalyst for this tension and subsequent reconciliation was, without doubt, the diplomatic conflict that arose after the oil nationalization of 1938. Of the various factors that led to a peaceful negotiated solution to the oil conflict, this article focuses on analyzing two phenomena. Firstly—in order of importance—this article examines the role that the Spanish Civil War played. Although the positions of both governments in relation to the Spanish war were significantly different, the interpretations and lessons concerning potential consequences enabled a greater understanding between the two neighboring countries. Secondly, this article also analyzes the ideological affinities between the New Deal and Cardenismo in the context of the global economic and political crisis of the thirties, seeking to understand their role in facilitating bilateral relations during that period.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document