Principles and forms of political parties in public administration

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 2-2
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Bochkaryova ◽  
Kamil Hamidullin
Moldoscopie ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Carolina Budurina-Goreacii ◽  
◽  
Svetlana Cebotari ◽  

A new concept has been introduced in public administration - good governance. The term good governance is difficult to define. But in the 1980s, researchers have been working hard to achieve the lofty ideal of good governance, and by the turn of the 21st century, the concept of good governance has become an integral part of public administration. Good governance is considered today as a paradigm of public administration, because it is committed to regulating political power, to supporting governance aimed at ensuring the general well-being of citizens and less so of representatives of political parties. The term has broader implications and includes both the activities of government and other organizations, public or private. The premise is that public policies and objectives require cooperation actions between different actors.It is mentioned that the current era (21st century) can be aptly called an era of good governance. Thus, this article examines the essence of the concept of good governance, the principles, characteristics and limitations of good governance in democratic societies.


Author(s):  
Francisco Panizza ◽  
B. Guy Peters ◽  
Conrado Ramos Larraburu

The concept of patronage refers to the power of political actors to appoint trusted individuals by discretion to nonelective positions in the public sector. This proposed new definition avoids an exclusive association with less developed countries and recognizes the presence of patronage in modern democracies, drawing a distinction with broader terms such as clientelism and politicization. Patronage differs from clientelism because the reasons for providing patronage include a list of other motives beyond the classic particularistic allocation of public resources. At the same time, patronage is not strictly equal to politicization, as this definition reduces the influence that politicians exert on the administrative machinery to a distribution of posts. In specifying what patronage is in narrower terms, this definition merges two different literatures, one associated with institutions and political parties, and another with bureaucracies, public policy, and governance issues. Even though the meritocratic civil service is a hallmark of modern democracies, the presence of political appointees in these societies is universal. Patronage provides some benefits for governance, and any normative assessment of this type of appointment should consider the costs and benefits of this practice within each particular political and cultural context.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (10) ◽  
pp. 46-50
Author(s):  
N. Zimina ◽  

Modern political parties and their regional branches have become an integral part of the political system of society, an important participant in public administration. They have their own organizational and legal basis, are registered as a non-profit organization, have their own Charter, program, leaders, and own goals and objectives. One of the tasks of any political party is to participate in managing the life of society, in solving its issues. One of the party’s tasks is to participate in public administration by representing the interests of the population of the regions during elections at various levels and during the inter-election period. Political parties are a political institution and represent an ideological, conceptual, personnel and electoral resource of any government. Regional branches of political parties in the current political situation fully represent the needs of the regions and represent them in the elections. They reflect regional interests, as well as the degree of democracy of regional authorities


2020 ◽  
pp. 136-150
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Leonidovna Timshina

Currently, the question of transformation of government institutions, including through the change of Constitution, is of primary importance on the political agenda. The subject of this research is the proposals of political parties on modernization of state structure and reform of the federal branches of government. The object of this research is the election programs of political parties on the elections to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation in 2011 and 2016. The author examines the ideas of party actors regarding modernization in the sphere of public administration, attitude of the parties towards modification of powers of the federal branches of government, relationship format between the center and the federal subjects, strengthening of social control over government. Despite the critical approach of political parties, they did not suggest any integrated projects on modernization of the system, but rather expressed disparate opinion. Part of the proposals pertinent to the reforms of public administration were of populist nature and did not have a mechanism for their implementation. Most specific and realizable initiatives were associated with restoration of the previously existing norms. The parties made various proposals on the question problem of administrative and territorial structure of the country, demonstrating a range of approaches from strong decentralization to unitary state. It is assumed that the question of modernization of state structure will remain on the agenda in the next electoral cycle. However, the integrated approach most likely will not be demonstrated. Reforms of the Federal Assembly and judicial system will continue to be the key vectors of political discourse.


Author(s):  
B. Meduna

Problem setting. The relevance of this problem is determined by the importance of the publicity, transparency, openness, and accountability of the activity of governmental bodies and local self-government bodies in the implementation of public policy, availability, and openness of information for the citizens of Ukraine. The controversial attitude of the Ukrainian society to the reformation of public administration and a low level of public support, which is growing while the openness and transparency of the authority power bodies are increasing, should be pointed out. Constitutional changes shall be the tool for settlement of political and legal conflicts, guarantee the provision of public agreement and consensus in the society, since through constitutional changes the adjustment of the forms and methods of the state authority bodies’ activity is made. Recent research and publications analysis. The problem of the formation of the authority’s openness has been studied by such scientists as: A. Bukhanevych, E. Afonin, O. Babinova, I. Vasylenko, Yu. Habermas; the problems of the modern constitutional process and its reformation have been studied by such scientists as V. Bakumenko, L. Prokopenko, V. Tatsii, O. Sushynskyi, Yu. Shemshuchenko, and others. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Although the problem of the publicity of the state authority bodies has been studied to some extent, there is the understanding of the mechanism of public administration and a great number of publications regarding the constitutional process from different points of view, we still have no complex research of the legal mechanism of the state regulation and provision of the publicity of the constitutional process in Ukraine. Paper main body. According to the scientists, the principle of publicity of the constitutional process has several aspects. Firstly, it is the openness, that is the provision of information for the society about the planned reforms, the process of their implementation at different stages, free access of the public to the information about the content of reformation, assessment of constitutional innovations, and forecasts of the national and international expert community. For such information cannot be classified as a state secret. The second aspect of the principle of publicity determines the role of the constitutional process as the tool for the promotion of public interests – the interests of the country, people and nation, which directly correlate with the provision of the country’s sovereignty. Thus, the publicity of the constitutional process must contain three interrelated principles of proper governance – transparency, openness and accountability. It means the understanding and awareness by the society of the aims and consequences of the processes, access to the information necessary for their understanding, the possibility of participation of different groups of the society, institutions of civil society, political parties, etc. in the process of the development, change and interpretation of the constitutional norms and other legal norms according to the constitution and under the set procedure at different stages. The legal mechanism of state regulation and provision of the publicity of the constitutional process in Ukraine can be defined as the complex of interrelated legal means necessary and sufficient for the understanding and awareness by the society of the aims and consequences of the constitutional reforms, access to the information necessary for their understanding, the possibilities of participation of authorized subjects, different groups of the society, institutions of the civil society, political parties, etc. in the process of the development, change and interpretation of the constitutional norms or other legal norms according to the constitution and under the set procedure at different stages. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The development of the methods of public administration regarding the content of the legal mechanism of the state regulation and provision of the publicity of the constitutional process in Ukraine are in the process of formation. The formation of the methods of approaches to the understanding of the category “publicity” in the public and governance relations, determination of the constituents, stages and subjects of the Constitutional process in Ukraine, special features of its implementation, and legal support of all stages can be added to the prospect of further research in this direction.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Džankić

This article argues that external state contestation and internal ethnic divisions have resulted in a high degree of state capture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Montenegro, thus providing structural mechanisms for the reproduction of power of political elites. The article focuses on two dominant forms of state capture – party membership in public administration and the privatization process. First, by examining the extent to which party membership influences the composition of public administration, the article explains the solidification of the link between electoral preferences and job security. Second, by looking at the privatisation of state assets, the article shows how state capture facilitated the elites’ accumulation of private wealth. The latter developed into subsidiary networks for financing political parties, offering resources for corruption, clientelism and patronage that are key to the reproduction of political power in captured states. The article concludes by exploring the implications of the link between state contestation and state capture in the Western Balkan states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-124
Author(s):  
Eugenio Pizzimenti ◽  
Enrico Calossi

AbstractThe relationships between the State and political parties have often been analysed in dual terms. Yet, as Katz and Mair already noticed in their well-known (and criticized) article on the emergence of the cartel party, a clear separation between parties and public institutions has never been completely achieved, in the evolution of liberal democracies. In contrast, while parties act as agencies of institutionalization, public institutions recognize (de jure or de facto) parties as the legitimate actors of political representation. From this perspective, it is worth considering party change as a process intertwined also with institutional change. To date, however, the analysis of such a relationship has been neglected by political scientists, who have privileged explanations of party change based on other factors, whether at systemic or at a micro level. By avoiding a priori assumptions about causality, our main research question is the following: is it possible to identify patterns of co-evolution between State institutions – more specifically, public administration – and party organizations? Building on a new institutional approach to organization theory, the aim of this article is to investigate to what extent the evolution in the size of party organizations and in the size of public administration has followed similar trajectories. Our study focuses on the United Kingdom and Italy, from 1950 to 2010. Our findings confirm that parties' external face expands when public spending and the number of public employees increase, and vice-versa. The same holds for parties' internal face, at least in the Italian case.


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