scholarly journals Political Changes in Hungary After the Soviet Invasion of Czechoslovakia

Slavic Review ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 633-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barnabas Racz

When the economic reform (NEM) was introduced in Hungary in early 1968, it was announced that political reforms aiming at the "democratization of the socialist system" would also be made. The Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (MSZMP) and the government stated that economic decentralization would be accompanied by the "strengthening of socialist democracy and the broadening of the participation of the masses in political activities." Several measures were taken to promote this objective through discussion and debate–but not through dissent or decision-making. After the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968, which seriously affected the entire East European bloc, Hungary's move toward democratization became less pronounced and the government's policy definitely more cautious both in words and deeds. In this study I attempt to analyze the meaning and scope of the political changes that took place in Hungary in the aftermath of Czechoslovakia, giving special attention to the concept of democracy, the organization of the party and government, the position of the mass organizations, and the meaning of the increasing group conflicts.

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.


Author(s):  
Manzoor Naazer ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Shughla Ashfaq

The paper scrutinizes the political rights situation during the first five years (1999-2004) of Pervaiz Musharraf era. Musharraf had come into power after army had revolted over his dismissal as army chief by the prime minister. He strove to project soft image of his government to get legitimacy within the country and recognition from the outside world, particularly the West. He portrayed himself as a liberal leader and later also propagated his idea of “enlightened moderation” as a panacea for the miseries of the Muslim world. Despite his overtures, the political rights situation became bleak during his military rule and no meaningful change took place even during the first two years after country returned to “democratic rule.” Musharraf government denied people of their political rights to prolong his authoritarian rule. His rule was characterized by: arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of political leaders; repression of political activities; imposition of forced exile; political victimization in the name of accountability; attacks on rights to elect the government; military’s direct grip over affairs of state despite transition to the civilian rule; intimidation of opposition over legal framework order; and limitations on freedom of association.


2011 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-319
Author(s):  
Misa Djurkovic

The article deals with the political and economic situation in Hungary in the last several years. The author firstly points to the causes of decline of influence of the previous socialist government and the heavy defeat of the socialists in the 2010 elections and the success of the right party Fidesz. After winning the elections, the Viktor Orban government started, at an accelerated rate, to implement the pre-election programme of Fidesz that had been prepared for a long time while it was an opposition party. The author is of the opinion that this programme is atypical, very radical and unique by many characteristics in the Europe of today. He points out that only a year after Fidesz victory the government and the parliament adopted quite a number of laws, a new Constitution and a set of risky measures of recovery that should lead to a substantial economic reform. The author particularly underlines the fact that the government decided to break of negotiation with IMF, reject its recommendations and try to overcome over-indebtedness by carrying out its own ideas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-91
Author(s):  
M.Yu. Martynova ◽  
◽  
D.M. Feoktistova ◽  
◽  

the author analyzes the problems of the activity and development of the political elite. The current political situation in Russia puts forward new requirements for the functioning of the management system of state institutions and determines the need for professionally trained, highly moral personnel of the modern political elite. The paper considers the possibility of introducing modern and progressive mechanisms of interaction between the government and society – crowdsourcing, which involves the wide involvement of citizens with an active civic position and public associations in the process of public discussion and political decision-making.


Author(s):  
John F. Padgett

This chapter compares the political, economic, and social-network dynamics of major economic reform campaigns within communism itself by Joseph Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and Mikhail Gorbachev. Over their histories, Soviet, Chinese, and East European communisms frequently had tried to reform themselves economically in a wide variety of ways. The dynamics of economic reform in the climactic 1980s were not as different from what had preceded it as is commonly assumed. It was the outcome more than the process that differed. Hence, the chapter analyzes the transition from communism to “capitalism” not from the outside perspective of capitalism but from the internal perspective of communism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
Ayyaz Qadeer ◽  
Wasima Shehzad

The present study presents a critical view of the speech delivered on May 09, 2011 by the prime-minister of Pakistan, Yousuf Raza Gillani. Following the language of the political discourse, this speech is delivered in the parliament house in front of the speaker, but is meant for the masses. The position of the speaker remains uniform as the questions are asked in the end alone. However, the speech is meant for both the addressee present at the time of the speech, and the assumed masses. It was found out the pronouns we, our, were constantly used to shift the responsibility on Al-Qaida whereas “I” was used for authority in order to digress the discussion from the topic. The pronouns and the vocabulary together establish the in-group or out-group category. The solidarity is shown towards the masses to get their support and defense is shown towards the allies who are accusing the government of fraud and nefarious ploy. Mystification is performed at a number of places to hide truth and claim the truth alternatively.


Significance The government now says the issue will be dealt with as part of the political reforms recently proposed in the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) report. Impacts The creation of new positions to accommodate more female leaders will increase the cost of government. A focus on the BBI proposals will distract from addressing the spike in gender-based violence since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. There is no guarantee that the BBI proposals will be implemented in their entirety.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Achmad Zulfikar ◽  
Baharuddin Nur

Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) adalah antitesa dari pengangkatan kepala daerah yang telah berlangsung cukup lama, setidaknya hampir seusia dengan orde lama ditambah orde baru atau sekitar 50 tahun dari 70 tahun usia pemerintahan kita. Diangkat dan dipilih adalah dua hal yang berbeda. Dipilih tentu saja lebih demokratis daripada diangkat. Dipilih merupakan hasil dari sejumlah alternatif, sementara diangkat lebih terkesan suatu pilihan yang datang dari atas (top down). Pilkada merupakan sistem yang dibangun oleh pemerintah untuk memastikan Kepala Daerah berasal dari pilihan rakyat, bukan penunjukan dari pejabat atau kekuasaan diatasnya. Lazimnya, Pilkada berlangsung sesuai dengan penanggalan kegiatan politik setiap daerah, dimana batas masa tugas lima tahun dijadikan sebagai patokan untuk dilaksanakannya Pilkada lagi. Namun pada 9 Desember 2015 ini penanggalan itu mengalami perubahan atas dasar pertimbangan efisiensi dan efektivitas pelaksanaan Pilkada ke depan. Oleh karenanya, Pilkada yang akan berlangsungi di Indonesia ini merupakan pesta demokrasi terbesar yang pernah dilakukan di negeri ini, bahkan di dunia. Dalam makalah ini, penulis tertantang untuk menelaah bagaimana kemungkinan yang akan timbul sebagai implikasi Pilkada serentak ini terhadap aspek sosial, politik dan ekonomi masyarakat di Indonesia.---Local election / regional head election is antithesis of appointment of region head which have lasted long enough, at least almost as old with Old Order Era plus with New Order Era or about 50 year from 70 year old of Indonesian was established. Appointment and election are two different things. Elected is certainly more democratic than appointed. Elected is the result of a number of alternatives, while being lifted is more impressed with a choice that comes from the top. Local election is a system built by the government to ensure the Regional Head comes from the people's choice, not the appointment of officials or powers above it. Typically, elections take place in accordance with the political activities of each region, where the five-year term is used as a benchmark for the implementation of re-elections. However, on December 9, 2015 this calendar has changed based on the consideration of efficiency and effectiveness of Local election implementation in the future. Therefore, the elections that will take place in Indonesia is the biggest democracy party ever conducted in this country, even in the world. In this paper, the authors challenged to examine how the possibilities would arise as the implications of this Local concurrent election on the social, political and economic aspects of society in Indonesia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Alfiansyah Alfiansyah

This article aims to explain how the political behavior of Towani Tolotang in Amparita of Sidrap Regency in political activities, and how the relationship between Towani Tolotang's political behavior with their belief system. The method used in this research is descriptive research design using qualitative approach. The findings of this study illustrate that the existence of practical political activities in the Tolotang community changed their political behavior and had different views in terms of determining their political choice, The role of Uwa is very influential in the political decision making in Tolotang community, Decision-making also based on the region- certain areas in the Tolotang area based on their respective territories, In essence their decisions are different because of the customary attachment of their leader, Uwa in this case which determines the choice in the Amparita territories, as well as the involvement of Towani Tolotang community in political aspect of one of their efforts in maintaining the customs and beliefs that their ancestors inherited.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
I Gede Sudiarta

<p><em>General description of women's participation in the political world in Indonesia representation is very low at all levels of decision making, both at the executive, legislative and judicial levels in the government bureaucracy, political parties both in other public societies. In this case the low quality of women's participation in politics occurs in Bali, namely in the executive ranks. Likewise, at the echelon II level, there were no women who obtained the position, that is, from the number of village heads in Bali there were no women who held more positions as lurah, even if there were only a few. In addition, in the organization of the </em>Lembaga Pemberdayaan Masyarakat<em> (LPM) in Bali, it is rare and there may not be women who become the Bendesa Adat or Bendesa Pakraman. This is also evident in the management of other organizations such as youth clubs and sekuna teruna. In an organization like this it is rare to find women becoming chairpersons or electing a chairperson as chairman or vice chairman. Based on this, a gender perspective is considered by involving men and women in the basic decision-making process of democratic work that will lead to equality.</em></p>


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