scholarly journals Differences in the distribution of colour terms in colour space in the Russian, Udmurt and Komi languages

Author(s):  
Elena Ryabina

This article compares data of Russian, Udmurt and Komi on the distribution of colour terms in Ostwald’s colour space. Data of Russian derive from an article by Davies and Corbett (1994). Data from Udmurt and Komi were originally collected by using the field method suggested for establishing basic colour terms by Davies and Corbett (1994, 1995). Sixty-five coloured tiles were used as stimuli. It was found that the distribution of colour terms differed even in closely related languages. In addition, there are differences in the distribution of the pink colour in the Southern and Northern dialects of Udmurt. It can be argued that the distribution of colour terms in colour space is language-specific and dependent on culture. The data on unrelated languages showed that colour perception by Northern Udmurt subjects, compared to that by Southern Udmurts, was more influenced by Russian. Udmurt, like Russian, possesses a term for light blue, which in the Northern dialect was located in the same part of colour space as in Russian

Author(s):  
Elena Ryabina

[NOTE. This abstract contains diacritics that may not display correctly.]This article deals with a comparative study of loaned colour vocabulary in the closely related Komi-Zyrian and Komi-Permyak languages. Data were originally collected by using the field method suggested for establishing basic colour terms by Davies and Corbett (1994, 1995). Sixty-five coloured tiles were used as stimuli. The study explored and compared the psychological salience of recent Russian loan colour terms. It was found that loan colour words occurred more in the Komi-Permyak data. The most salient adopted colour term in the Komi-Permyak language is zeĺone̮j ‘green’. In the next stage of basic colour system evolution in Komi-Zyrian and Komi-Permyak, the loan colour terms korič́ńeve̮j ‘brown’, fioĺetove̮j ‘purple’ and oranževe̮j ‘orange’ may appear. At the present stage of colour category development, the Russian basic terms rozovyj ‘pink’ and goluboj ‘light-blue’ are not salient in either language.Elena Ryabina: Laenvärvinimedest komi keeltes. Artiklis võrreldakse vene laenvärvinimesid omavahel lähedalt suguluses olevas sürjakomi ja permikomi keeles. Andmed on kogutud Daviese ja Corbett’ (1995) välimeetodiga. Uurimuses on kasutatud 65 standardset Color-aid Corporationi värvitahvlit. Uurimuse eesmärk on laenvärvinimede psühholoogilise esilduvuse väljaarvutamine ja võrdlemine. Tulemused näitavad, et permikomi andmestik sisaldab rohkem laenvärvinimesid. Kognitiivse esiletuleku indeksi järgi on neist psühholoogiliselt esilduvaim zeĺone̮j ‘roheline’. Põhivärvinimede süsteemi arenedes võivad komi keeltes eeldatavasti leksikaliseeruda korič́ńeve̮j ‘pruun’, fioĺetove̮j ‘lilla’ ja oranževe̮j ‘oranž’, sest need on mõlemas komi keeles kodunenud. Laenvärvinimed rozovyj ‘roosa’ ja goluboj ‘helesinine’ ei ole praegusel põhivärvinimede arenguetapil psühholoogiliselt esiletulevad kummaski komi keeles.Märksõnad: laensõna, põhivärvinimi, psühholoogiline esilduvus, sürjakomi keel, permikomi keel


Orð og tunga ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 75-100
Author(s):  
Þórhalla Guðmundsdóttir Beck ◽  
Matthew James Whelpton

Brent Berlin and Paul Kay brought a sea change in semantic studies of colour terms when they published their book Basic Color Terms in 1969. Up to that point the dominant view was that each language represented a unique conceptual organisation of the world, a view supported by the fact that the colour spectrum is a continuum which provides not obvious breaks for the purposes of naming. Despite the many criticisms of their work which have followed, their methodology has proven extremely influential and been widely adopted. The project Evolution of Semantic Systems, 2011–2012, adopted their methodology for a study of colour terms in the Indo-European languages and the Colours in Context project applied the same methods to a study of Icelandic Sign Language. Signed languages diff er in many ways from spoken languages but the results of this study suggest the broad organisation of the colour space is the same in Icelandic Sign Language, Icelandic and British English. The colour space is organised by a few dominant terms, largely the same as Berlin and Kay ́s original basic colour terms. Yet within that broad pattern is considerable microvariation, especially in the spaces between the dominant terms. There the characteristic patt erns of word formation in the language have a clear influence in colour naming strategies.


Author(s):  
Mari Uusküla ◽  
Liivi Hollman ◽  
Urmas Sutrop

In this paper we compare five Finno-Ugric languages – Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian, Udmurt and Komi-Zyrian – and the Estonian Sign Language (unclassified) in different aspects: established basic colour terms, the proportion of basic colour terms and different colour terms in the collected word-corpora, the cognitive salience index values in the list task and the number of dominant colour tiles in the colour naming task. The data was collected, using the field method of Davies and Corbett, from all languages under consideration, providing a distinctive foundation for linguistic comparison. We argue that Finno-Ugric languages seem to possess relatively large colour vocabularies, especially due to their rich variety of word-formation types, e.g. the composition of compound words. All of the languages under consideration have developed to Stage VI or VII, possessing 7 to 11 lexicalised basic colour terms. The cognitive salience index helps to distinguish primary and secondary basic colour terms, showing certain comprehensive patterns which are similar to Russian and English.


2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenny Coventry ◽  
Christos Mitsakis ◽  
Ian Davies ◽  
Julio Lillo Jover ◽  
†Anna Androulaki ◽  
...  

AbstractWe describe an investigation of Modern Greek colour terms intended to establish its set of basic colour terms (BCTs). Pilot work suggested that Greek had terms for each of the Berlin & Kay (1969) eleven ‘universal categories’. These terms, plus [γalázjo] “light blue”, were the most frequent terms in Greek texts. Four naming studies with varying stimuli (Munsell, Color-aid and NCS), lighting (daylight, illuminant C and fluorescent), instructions (no restriction on terms or only essential terms), and informants (bilingual Greek-English students and monolingual Greek speakers from Crete) were carried out. Measures of basicness included frequency, consistency and consensus of use, naming time and ‘necessity’. The results supported the analysis of texts, suggesting that Greek has twelve BCTs, including two terms for blue. The ranges of the two blue terms differ mainly in lightness, and this division is similar to the equivalent divisions in Russian and Turkish. However, the positions of the best examples vary across the three languages presenting difficulties for a common account of the origins of the additional term. The use of BCTs was reasonably stable across variations in methods, stimuli, lighting and informants, suggesting that field studies with limited control over these variables may nevertheless be able to identify BCTs.


2008 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-92
Author(s):  
Andrew Hippisley ◽  
Ian Davies ◽  
Greville G. Corbett

Berlin & Kay’s basic colour term framework claims that there is an ordering in the diachronic development of languages’ colour systems. One generalisation is that primary colours, WHITE, BLACK, RED, YELLOW, GREEN, BLUE, are lexical­ised before derived colours, which are perceptual blends, e.g. ORANGE is the blend of YELLOW and RED. The colour systems of Lower Sorbian and Upper Sorbian offer an important typological contribution. It is already known that primary colour space can contract upon the emergence of a basic derived term; our findings indicate that derived categories also shift as colour systems develop. Tsakhur offers corroborating evidence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-320
Author(s):  
Mihajlo P. Fejsa

In this paper, the author compares chromatic terms in Ruthenian and Serbian. He focuses on the basic colour terms according to Berlin and Kay: white, black, red, green, yellow, blue, brown, purple, pink, orange, and grey. They have equivalents in both languages: Ruthenian bila – Serbian bela, čarna – crna, červena – crvena, željena – zelena, žovta / žolta – žuta, belava – plava, braon – braon, lilova – ljubičasta, celova – roze, pomarančecova /poma- randžecova – narandžasta, šiva – siva. The criterion of one-morpheme word is not appli- cable to the terms lilova, celova, and pomarančecova /pomarandžecova in Ruthenian, and ljubičasta and narandžasta in Serbian. It is applicable to the terms bila, čarna, červena, željena, žovta / žolta, belava, braon, and šiva. With the exception of braon, all these terms are derived from the Proto-Slavic language (*bеlъ, *čьrnъ, *čьrvenъ, *zelenъ, *žltъ, *polvь, and *sivъ). As far as the Berlin–Kay’s universal of seven phases of colour formation is con- cerned, our study of chromatic terminology confirms it. In accordance with the supposed first stage of development, the Ruthenian language has bila and čarna; according to the second stage, Ruthenian has červena; in accordance with the third stage, Ruthenian has že- ljena or žovta / žolta; according to the fourth stage, Ruthenian has žovta / žolta or željena; in accordance with the fifth stage, Ruthenian has belava; according to the sixth stage, it has braon; and in accordance with the seventh stage (even if we leave aside the multi-mor- pheme terms lilova, celova, and pomarančecova /pomarandžecova), it has šiva. Generally speaking, the usage of the terms is identical in both investigated languages but there are several differences (e.g. cibulja – beli luk, željena pasulja – boranija). The most frequent suffixes are -asta and -ista in Ruthenian, and -asta in Serbian.Most of the chromatic terms are of Slavic origin but there are several borrowings used for nuance purposes in recent decades, e.g. azurna, teget, akvamarin, tirkizna, and others. Some borrowings remain unchanged, e.g. in both languages blond, braon, drap, krem, bež, and oker, and only in Serbian lila and roze. Hungarian was the official language until the first decades of the 20th century (until the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1918), during which Ruthenian–Hungarian bilingualism reigned. That is the reason why several Hungarian colour names are found, e.g. in surnames (the Ruthenian surname Barna comes from Hungarian barna ‘brown’, Fekete/Feketa is from fekete ‘black’, and Vereš is from vörös ‘red’) and in the names of domestic animals (the Ruthenian horse name pejka [Serbian riđan] comes from Hungarian pej ‘brown’ and šarga [Serbian žutalj] is from sár- ga ‘yellow’). The general name for ‘colour’ comes from the German language (Ruthenian farba is from German Farbe).


1993 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerry Morgan

AbstractAn experiment is described in which 74 French subjects were asked to list colour terms within a limited time period. Results are compared with those from a similar experiment with Russian subjects. The resulting data are used as a measure of psychological salience to establish which French colour terms are basic. Particular attention is paid to the two possible French terms for brown (marron and brun), and to beige ‘beige’, which may be emerging as an additional basic term. As Russian also has an additional term for blue, both languages are particularly interesting in the light of Berlin and Kay's 1969 model of basic colour term development.


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