scholarly journals Σύγχρονες Μορφές Διακυβέρνησης στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση: Η Περίπτωση του Ευρωπαϊκού Ομίλου Εδαφικής Συνεργασίας

2018 ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Γιώργος Οικονόμου

The process of European integration poses pressures for new modes of governance in the European space, allowing for the development of subnational mobilization. The European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) constitute a formal type of cross-border, inter-state and inter-regional co-operation aiming at improving social, economic, and territorial cohesion. This article focuses on the EGTCs as a new mode of multi-level governance. It is argued that motivation for participation in an EGTC stands for an essential precondition for attracting new members, however, is not suffi cient taking into account intervening variables which have an impact upon subnational mobilization.

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (Vol 18, No 4 (2019)) ◽  
pp. 439-453
Author(s):  
Ihor LISHCHYNSKYY

The article is devoted to the study of the implementation of territorial cohesion policy in the European Union in order to achieve a secure regional coexistence. In particular, the regulatory and institutional origins of territorial cohesion policy in the EU are considered. The evolution of ontological models of cohesion policy has been outlined. Specifically, the emphasis is placed on the key objective of political geography – effectively combining the need for "territorialization" and the growing importance of networking. The role of urbanization processes in the context of cohesion policy is highlighted. Cross-border dimensions of cohesion policy in the context of interregional cooperation are explored. Particular emphasis is placed on the features of integrated sustainable development strategies.


Author(s):  
Lyubomyr Sozanskyy

In the article, a comparative interregional and cross-border assessment of socio-economic development of the Transcarpathian region is conducted. The results of the study are based on an analysis of the level and dynamics of such key indicators of economic and social development of the region as GRP per capita, employment rate, unemployment rate, average monthly salary, etc. According to the results of interregional comparisons, the low level of efficiency of the economy but the positive dynamics of some indicators of the labor market of the Transcarpathian region was revealed. In particular, among the regions of Ukraine in 2013-2017, the region was 22nd in terms of GRP per capita and 19th in terms of employment. At the same time, by unemployment, it rose from 15th in 2013 to 10th in 2018, and the average monthly wage ranged from 20th to 7th, respectively. Cross-border comparisons showed a significant lag behind the Transcarpathian region from the neighboring regions of Poland, Slovakia, Romania and Hungary for all considered socio-economic indicators. Thus, in particular, according to the indicator of GRP per capita, this lag compared to the Kosice region (Slovakia) in 2017 was 11.4 times. The average monthly salary in Transcarpathian region is 4 times lower than in the neighboring Kosice and Presov regions of Slovakia and the Podkarpackie voivodship of Poland. The positive dynamics in the direction of reducing the above-mentioned gaps in the level of socio-economic development of the analyzed regions in 2017-2018 are revealed. In addition, a regional peculiarity has been identified – the Transcarpathian region and the regions it borders, lag substantially behind the countries they belong to by the level of socio-economic development. As a result, the conclusion is drawn that the results of the conducted inter-regional and transboundary assessment of the socio-economic development of the Transcarpathian region will facilitate the development of inter-regional and interstate programs and strategies for the development of the Carpathian transboundary region to eliminate the identified imbalances.


Author(s):  
J S LIPTRAP

Abstract This article explores the European Parliament's July 2018 non-legislative resolution proposing to the European Commission a directive for facilitating social enterprise companies’ cross-border activities. The proposal is first situated within the context of the social economy and how the sector has grown in importance to European integration. The proposal and the European Commission's response are then examined. Although the European Commission was not convinced that Member States would be amenable to the proposal, a consensus may already exist that is sufficient to garner their support. Even if this prediction is wrong, however, it is argued that there are reasons to surmise that the proposal will likely be reassessed and ultimately successful at some future point. Finally, the proposal is viewed with a reflexive harmonisation lens. Through the analysis, regulatory issues are identified, and a solution is then suggested.


Author(s):  
Stephen J. Kobrin

This article is concerned with only one aspect of the vast literature on MNE–state relations: the impact of the MNE on sovereignty, autonomy, and control. It argues that the mainstream literature of the sovereignty at bay era did not predict the end of the nation-state or conclude that sovereignty is critically compromised either in theory or practice. In fact, while the terms ‘sovereignty’, autonomy', and ‘control’ appear frequently in these discussions, they are rarely defined or even used precisely. At the end of the day MNEs are international or cross-border entities which are of the existing inter-state system firmly rooted in national territorial jurisdiction. The problems posed by the traditional MNE for both states and the inter-state system tend to involve issues of jurisdictional asymmetry, jurisdictional overlap and control, rather than sovereignty in its formal sense. The hierarchical or Fordist structure of the traditional MNE reinforces the core values of the modern international political system: state sovereignty and mutually exclusive territoriality.


Africa ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Detlev Krige

ABSTRACTThe structural conditions associated with increased inequality amidst rapid change brought about by growing financialization and efforts to get the ‘unbanked’ sections of society into the formal financial system have created the conditions under which illegal pyramid and ponzi schemes, fake investment schemes, and legal multi-level marketing companies have been able to flourish. In contemporary Johannesburg and Soweto the originators of money multiplication schemes and the agents who ‘work’ to recruit new members position themselves in this context as financial entrepreneurs and brokers who embody a range of seemingly contradictory discourses, drawing on discourses of ‘empowerment’, ‘self-help’, ‘entrepreneurship’ and ‘religiously sanctioned wealth and prosperity’ in the course of their risk taking in the field of finance. Based on a series of case studies of female agents of ‘push-push’ schemes, the article shows how many of these discourses reflect some of the conditions of contemporary capitalism: citizens are expected to be active investors, active entrepreneurs and hard workers who are able to work from home and without a boss. Moreover, the schemes use sophisticated technologies, marketing strategies and other practices which simulate formality, legality and sincerity – echoing religious practices and discourses. At the same time a set of cultural values and social logics that are not necessarily produced by neo-liberal capitalism and financialization, but are certainly activated by them, makes it hard for citizens to recognize or admit the forms of deception involved, unless deception is seen to be central to the operation of the modern state or the present ‘get-rich-quick’ culture. Risk taking, and pursuit of social mobility, originate in dual economy legacies, with their unfulfilled expectations, wealth disparities and frustrated class aspiration. Participants in pyramid schemes have ideologies combining ‘progress’ with ‘imminent doom’, entrepreneurship with greed: contradictory attitudes reflective of financialization in the broader world.


2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emilia Korkea-Aho

New modes of governance are proliferating at all levels, most prominently in the EU. One main characteristic of new governance is adjustability and revisability in the form of soft law. The non-binding nature of soft law is said to contribute to flexibility and diversity in Member States and to secure national autonomy. However, this article argues that while soft law may not be legally binding, it nevertheless has legal effects that throw flexibility and diversity of national action into doubt. Beginning by demonstrating that soft law may have discernible effects on practices in Member States, at the same time restricting Member State choices, the article goes on to develop a categorisation of those effects and to document them in detail. These are: judicial recognition by the European courts, explicit terms of soft law instruments, which demand special types of national implementing measures, the role played by non-state actors, and hybrid forms of regulatory instruments comprising soft and hard law provisions. The analysis shows a need to add variety to existing research on EU soft law, which has traditionally focused on the role of the judiciary in giving legal effects to soft law. Instead, we should be more attentive to the other three factors when discussing soft law. Besides the more holistic approach, research should also analyse soft law in a more case-specific manner in order to fully grasp the implications of choice of soft law in a domestic legal system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 525-546
Author(s):  
Helena Bauerová ◽  
Milan Vošta

AbstractThe topic of energy is still one of the most sensitive policy areas. The aim of this article is to examine the multi-level governance and energy specifics of the V4 countries within the context of European integration by analyzing selected the specifics of the energy mix of the V4 group countries. This will be carried out within the context of applying the theory of multilevel governance. The paper shows how energy policy is formed at state, and/or non-state level, as well as how these levels are influenced by the EU. The article also looks at the efforts taken to shape a common energy policy. A closer examination of the individual countries‘ levels lies outside the scope of this article. Therefore, the framework was chosen with regard to the particular features within the context of the functioning of the V4 group of countries. Using multi-level governance as a theoretical concept, the authors considered the limits arising from the determination of levels and the subjects of the survey, as well as having distinguished three levels of analysis. The first is the supranational level. This is represented by the EU. The second level is represented by the V4 states. The third level is the state as the actor that formulates energy policy, sets the energy mix and subsequently manifests itself in relation to the EU and the V4 group. Energy policy is significantly influenced by states, especially in the area of energy security of fuel supplies, or that of setting the energy mix. With the gradual communitarization of energy policy, the EU’s influence is growing and it is debatable how the evaluation of existing strategic plans, presented by individual states, will be done. The role of the V4 group is the weakest of the three levels of analysis which were examined. However, its increasing influence can be predicted mainly in the case of coal depletion and the perception of nuclear energy as a renewable source.


2012 ◽  
pp. 105-108
Author(s):  
Béla Baranyi

This study examines the development of external (cross-border) peripheries, as well as the opportunities of catching up in view of the European integration, most specifically the unfolding of the Schengen processes. A conclusion is drawn that the paradigm shift that is to be expected in cross-border relations and the modern, mainly local, small region-based and inter-settlement forms of interregional cooperations could contribute to diminishing the highly unfavourable circumstances from the aspect of rural development and the fostering of the socio-economic cohesion of the Carpathian basin. The new institutionalised legal frameworks of cross-border relations, the EGTCs can successfully promote in the future the acquisition and more efficient use of different development resources, parallel to this the socio-economic catching up of adjacent peripheries, lagging regions on the two sides of the same borders. Above all, they can be important for the utilisation of the direct relations and local resourcesin the Hungarian–Slovak, Hungarian–Ukrainian and Hungarian– Romanian borders along the northeast part of Hungary and for theHungarian–Croatian and Hungarian–Slovene border areas along South Transdanubia.


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