scholarly journals The Differentiated EU Policy on Facing Economic Crises: Prospects for EU to Anticipate the Financial and Fiscal Crises of its Member States

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 301
Author(s):  
Maria S. Katsigianni
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crises ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Fiscal Crises

Developments in WTE Within Europe

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan L. C. Manders
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Waste To Energy ◽  
Individual Member ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Countries ◽  
Eu Directives ◽  
The One

A description is given of the key elements of European Union (EU) policy and EU directives, which may affect the desired switch from landfill to Waste-to-Energy (WTE) and recycling of waste within the 27 EU countries. The most important directive is the one which forces individual member states to reduce the landfill levels for MSW to 35% of the quantity of the base year 1995.

Political Agents as Relational Selves

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 493-519 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Dewandre ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Internal Market ◽  
Human Condition ◽  
Common Market ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Policies ◽  
Political Agents ◽  
The Eu

In this article, I argue that Hannah Arendt’s well-known but controversial distinction between labour, work, and action provides, perhaps unexpectedly, a conceptual grounding for transforming politics and policy-making at the EU level. Beyond the analysis and critique of modernity, Arendt brings the conceptual resources needed for the EU to move beyond the modern trap it fell into thirty years ago. At that time, the European Commission shifted its purpose away from enhancing interdependence among Member States with a common market towards achieving an internal market in the name of boosting growth and creating jobs. Arendt provides the conceptual tools to transform the conceptualisation of relations and of agents that fuels the growing dissatisfaction among many Europeans with EU policy-making. This argument is made through stretching and re-articulating Arendt’s labour-work-action distinction and taking seriously both the biological and plural dimensions of the human condition, besides its rational one. By applying this shift in an EU context, EU policies could change their priorities and better address the needs and expectations of plural political agents and of European citizens.

19. Policy-Making in a Time of Crisis Trends and Challenges

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark A. Pollack ◽  
Helen Wallace ◽  
Alasdair R. Young
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Global Financial Crisis ◽  
Domestic Institutions ◽  
European Union Policy ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Union Policy ◽  
The Global Financial Crisis ◽  
The Eu

This chapter examines trends and challenges in European Union policy-making during times of crisis. It first considers the main trends in EU policy-making that emerge from policy case studies, including experimentation with new modes of policy-making, often in conjunction with more established modes, leading to hybridization; renegotiation of the role of the member states (and their domestic institutions) in the EU policy process; and erosion of traditional boundaries between internal and external policies. The chapter proceeds by discussing the issue of national governance as well as the interaction between European and global governance. Finally, it explores how the EU has responded to the challenges of coping with enlargement from fifteen to twenty-eight member states, digesting the reforms adopted following the implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon, and responding to the economic dislocation associated with the global financial crisis.

The EU Policy on Return of Illegally Staying Third-Country Nationals

2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 435-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emanuela Canetta
Keyword(s):  
Decision Procedure ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Common Procedure ◽  
Member States ◽  
Institutional Dynamics ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Legislation ◽  
Policy Domain ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Third Country Nationals

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to analyse the EU policy on return of illegally staying third-country nationals, focusing in particular on the draft EU legislation: the Proposal for a Directive on common standards and procedures in Member States for returning illegally staying third-country nationals (COM/2005/391). This paper studies the context, the objectives and the most relevant measures of the proposed Directive in order to identify its critical juridical aspects as regards the fundamental rights of third-country nationals. It analyses the on-going negotiations for its adoption, considering in particular the exercise of co-decision procedure, which is new in this policy domain, and the link with the EU Return Fund, to see how the EU inter-institutional dynamics influence the establishment of provisions regulating the rights and status of immigrants subject to a return procedure. The current findings show that the adoption of the proposed Directive is not an easy exercise: the issue is very sensitive and the on-going negotiations are long and difficult. Other institutions and various NGOs support the harmonisation process but criticise a number of provisions of the draft measure. EU institutions urgently need to find a strategy that could lead to the necessary agreement for the adoption of a 'clear, fair and transparent common procedure respecting fundamental rights'.

Development of citizen participation in Central and Eastern Europe after the EU enlargement and economic crises

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 219-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petra Guasti
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Citizen Engagement ◽  
Economic Crises ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

The main focus of this article is the role of organized civil society in facilitating citizen engagement in Central and East European new EU member states after the EU accession and the recent economic crises. Using international comparative methodologies and data this article analyses democratic processes in the new member states focussing on the changes in strengths and weaknesses of citizen engagement. It shows the ways in which the post-enlargement process, especially the economic crisis affected the ability of CEE citizens — both directly, and via civil society organisations and trade unions — to be active participants of the multilevel governance processes. It finds that one of the key remaining gaps of the democratization process remains the relative weakness of state—citizens relationship. The impact of the economic crisis on the CEE countries was significant, in particular in regard to financial viability of organised civil society. However, economic crisis also acted as an important mobilization factor, and in all countries under study, civic participation, enabled by civil society and trade unions increased. New initiatives — in particular those tackling corruption and party campaign finance, saw NGOs focussing their advocacy efforts towards the government as well as actively mobilizing and engaging citizens. Across the CEE region, we are seeing gradual social learning, internalization of new norms and emergence of new identities — active citizens engaged with (and if necessary in opposition to) the state — directly (public mobilization and protests) and via organized civil society.

On the “Net Impact” of Europeanization

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Levi-Faur
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Processes Of Change ◽  
Late 19Th Century ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
The Eu

This article examines the outcome of the EU policy process from various comparative perspectives in an effort to distinguish the “net effects” of EU membership and EU-level regimes from more general—perhaps global—processes of change. It argues that the major features of liberalization would have been diffused to most if not all member states even in the absence of the European Commission, other agents of supranationalism, and EU-level intergovernmental commitment to liberalize. This is not to suggest that Europeanization does not matter but that it matters in less obvious and perhaps in less critical ways than is frequently assumed. The argument is supported by comparative empirical analysis of the spatial and temporal diffusion of liberalization since the 1980s and of nationalization since the late 19th century.

scholarly journals An Old Couple in a New Setting: Franco-German Leadership in the Post-Brexit EU

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Ulrich Krotz ◽  
Lucas Schramm
Keyword(s):  
Viable Alternative ◽  
Centrifugal Forces ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Bilateral Relationship ◽  
Center Stage ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
German Part ◽  
The Eu

What are the implications of Brexit for the nature, role, and potential of Franco-German leadership in the EU? Brexit, we contend, is both an expression and a further cause of two broader underlying developments in the contemporary EU: First, a stronger and more prominent German part and position, and second, disintegrative tendencies in several EU policy fields and the EU polity as a whole. This, in turn, has major implications for Franco-German bilateralism and for Franco-German leadership in the EU. In light of a stronger Germany, a relatively weaker France, and significant centrifugal forces, the two largest EU member states must not only realign their bilateral relationship but must also act as a stabilizer in and for the EU. We show that during the EU’s recent crises, not least during the Brexit negotiations and the recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic, France and Germany did exercise joint leadership. We also show, however, that major discrepancies persist between the two countries in particular policy fields and with regard to longer-term European objectives. Brexit, with its numerous calamities and implications, thus once again moves Franco-German leadership—and its shortcomings—to center stage in Europe. When it comes to leadership in the EU, there remains no viable alternative to the Franco-German duo. Yet, in order to provide constructive leadership and successfully shape the EU, the two countries must bridge substantial differences and be ready to carry disproportionately high burdens.

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