scholarly journals EU Policy on Equality between Homo- and Heterosexuals and Citizens’ Attitudes Toward Homosexuality in 26 EU Member States and Turkey

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürgen Gerhards
Keyword(s):  
Member States ◽  
Attitudes Toward Homosexuality ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Citizens Attitudes

scholarly journals An Old Couple in a New Setting: Franco-German Leadership in the Post-Brexit EU

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Ulrich Krotz ◽  
Lucas Schramm
Keyword(s):  
Viable Alternative ◽  
Centrifugal Forces ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Bilateral Relationship ◽  
Center Stage ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
German Part ◽  
The Eu

What are the implications of Brexit for the nature, role, and potential of Franco-German leadership in the EU? Brexit, we contend, is both an expression and a further cause of two broader underlying developments in the contemporary EU: First, a stronger and more prominent German part and position, and second, disintegrative tendencies in several EU policy fields and the EU polity as a whole. This, in turn, has major implications for Franco-German bilateralism and for Franco-German leadership in the EU. In light of a stronger Germany, a relatively weaker France, and significant centrifugal forces, the two largest EU member states must not only realign their bilateral relationship but must also act as a stabilizer in and for the EU. We show that during the EU’s recent crises, not least during the Brexit negotiations and the recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic, France and Germany did exercise joint leadership. We also show, however, that major discrepancies persist between the two countries in particular policy fields and with regard to longer-term European objectives. Brexit, with its numerous calamities and implications, thus once again moves Franco-German leadership—and its shortcomings—to center stage in Europe. When it comes to leadership in the EU, there remains no viable alternative to the Franco-German duo. Yet, in order to provide constructive leadership and successfully shape the EU, the two countries must bridge substantial differences and be ready to carry disproportionately high burdens.

scholarly journals Is There an East–West Divide over European Solidarity? Comparing European Citizens’ Attitudes Towards Cross-Border Solidarity 2016

2020 ◽  
pp. 81-108
Author(s):  
Florian K. Kley ◽  
Holger Lengfeld
Keyword(s):  
Sovereign Debt ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Member States ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Comparative Survey ◽  
High Level ◽  
Citizens Attitudes ◽  
East West

Abstract The Euro and sovereign debt crises since 2008, as well as the following Great Recession, have challenged the strength of European solidarity between EU citizens and member states. This chapter analyses the strength of European solidarity within East Central Europe and other European countries in two dimensions: citizens’ willingness to support indebted European countries financially (European fiscal solidarity) and their willingness to reduce welfare differences among EU member states (European territorial solidarity). The analyses are based on a comparative survey conducted in 13 European countries in 2016. Results show that citizens displayed a notably high level of European solidarity in both dimensions. While ECE countries showed slightly lower approval rates for European fiscal solidarity, their demand for European territorial solidarity is average. However, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland do not form a unique cluster standing out on these topics, making further policies of European integration possible.

scholarly journals The ratio of national and supranational levels of foreign policy formation of the European Union

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (10) ◽  
pp. 58-67
Author(s):  
Melissa Erhiun
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
Individual Member ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Supranational Level ◽  
The Eu

The relevance of the topic has been summed up by the migratory crisis, the emergence of recent conflicts and the occasional instability near the cordons of the EU, as a result, he is forced to strengthen supranational governance in various fields. One of such areas is foreign policy, which in the context of changing the nature of security interactions plays an important role in the process of European integration. The object of the study is the EU as an international actor in the process of its formation and development. The subject is the foreign policy dimension of the EU's functioning, its conceptual, institutional and instrumental aspects.The aim of the article was to consider a number of approaches with different emphases in the interpretation of the European Union's foreign policy, definitions of "sovereignty" and "supranationality", the difference between normative and implementing supranationalism, the historical attitude of member states to the full preservation or delegation of sovereignty. in the formation of EU policy, the creation of new authorities and positions in the process of EU formation in the context and the factors influencing member states on the formation of common EU policy and determine the attitude of member states to the supranational level of governance, advantages and disadvantages for them.Conclusions. Member states are ambivalent about deeper integration in foreign policy. On the one hand, foreign policy cooperation can serve as a tool that allows Member States to pursue their national interests more effectively. However, in the absence of leadership in the EU, the supranational level can become an instrument of regulatory justification for projecting the priorities of individual member states on other members of the union. At the same time, the possibilities of its use remain limited due to serious differences in the strategic culture of the EU member states.

scholarly journals Wizyta Josepa Borrella w Moskwie

2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-236
Author(s):  
Przemysław Żurawski vel Grajewski
Keyword(s):  
Logical Consequence ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
History Of ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
The Eu

Josep Borrell’s visit to Moscow was a substantial political failure of the EU’s diplomacy still it was not an accident neither a surprise. The EU’ policy towards Russia has been based on illusions and the European wishful thinking since the very beginning of the mutual relations that started in 1991-1993. The Borrell’s visit to Moscow rather showed the nature of the Russian attitude towards the EU than produced it. Russia prefers to act within the “great powers concerto” i.e. to deal with both - the leading EU member states (Germany, France) and the non-EU great powers (UK, USA) and not with the EU institutions and representatives who are not respected neither treated seriously in Moscow. There is a deep division within the EU between the Eastern flank member states whose perception of Russian threat is strong and well founded and the western and southern countries the political interests and priorities are focused on other problems. Russian capacity to corrupt the numerous prominent members of the European political class makes the EU policy vis a vis Russia even less coherent and realistic. The article shows the history of the EU-Russia relations in the last 30 years and proves the fiasco of the Borrell’s visit to Moscow was not just an accident still a logical consequence of the ill based EU policy towards Russia.

scholarly journals EUROPEANIZATION OF UKRAINE’S EXECUTIVE POWER (Lessons of the Central and Eastern Europe’s EU Member States)

2019 ◽  
pp. 15-26
Author(s):  
Ivo Rollis ◽  
Zaneta Ozolina
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
National Level ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Policy Planning ◽  
Member States ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Eu

The article addresses main OECD SIGMA recommendations regarding national European Union (EU) policy co-ordination in Ukraine and provides relevant lessons from Latvia and other EU Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) Member States in addressing similar challenges from the EU pre-accession and post-accession experience. Efficiency of a national policy co-ordination is one of the core determinants to succeed europeanization of a national core executive power and further integration with the EU. The OECD SIGMA Baseline Measurement Assessment Report on Principles of Public Administration in Ukraine published in June 2018 reveals important concerns in steering and co-ordination of some reform initiatives, overlapping competences of public bodies in co-ordinating policy planning and implementation monitoring of the Government’s performance in public sector reforms. Effective implementation of national reforms is vital also in the terms of implementation of the Ukraine–EU Association Agreement (AA) that entered into force on September 1, 2017 and Actual problems of international relations. Release 140. 2019 16 requires a high level of coordination in the Ukrainian government. Relevant national EU policy co-ordination experience of the EU CEE Member States is revisited as a possible lesson for Ukraine in implementation of essential structural reforms on the national level. Key words: europeanization, Association Agreement, principles of public administration, national policy co-ordination, policy planning

scholarly journals European Citizens’ Attitudes on the Return of Refugees to Their Home Country: Results from a Survey in 13 EU Member States

2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-524
Author(s):  
Jürgen Gerhards ◽  
Clara Dilger
Keyword(s):  
Home Country ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Citizens Attitudes ◽  
Clear Majority ◽  
The Eu

Abstract European law requires member states of the European Union (EU) to accept refugees. It also allows them to return refugees to their countries of origin if the reason for asylum no longer exists. Both the reception and return of refugees has become a widely debated and controversial issue in many member states of the EU. Based on a survey conducted in 13 EU member states, we analysed whether citizens support the return of refugees when the cause for their displacement has become obsolete and how differences in attitudes toward the return of refugees can be explained. A clear majority of Europeans (70%) support the return of refugees. This is also the case for those who believe that their country should accept refugees in the first place. These results mean that existing law—the acceptance of refugees in need and the return when the cause becomes obsolete—is being supported by a majority of Europeans. However, there are considerable differences in approval rates among the countries. The results of multivariate analysis show that ideational factors—both on the micro and the macro level—influence attitudes toward the return of refugees, whereas structural factors, recurring to economic interest, do not contribute substantially to the explanation of attitudes toward the return. The political implications of these findings are discussed in the last section of the article.

Doing Everything You Can, but Not (yet) Getting it Right: Challenges to Brussels' Great Expectations for Water Quality1

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franca Angela Buelow
Keyword(s):  
Water Status ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
Eu Water Framework Directive ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Great Expectations ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
European Water ◽  
Improve Water Quality ◽  
Governance Architecture

To arrive at a good status of all European water bodies is the main objective of the European Union (EU) Water Framework Directive (WFD). Since its adoption in 2000, the policy has fundamentally changed the institutional, procedural and organizational structures of Member States' water management, leading to an Europeanization of national legislation and decision-making structures. The case of WFD implementation in Schleswig-Holstein is an example of the policy's highly innovative governance architecture that unfortunately is not (yet) able to take that one last hurdle: to improve water quality and establish a good water status across EU Member States by 2015 or 2027.

BIOECONOMY DEVELOPMENT POTENTIAL BASED ON MORE EFFICIENT LAND USE IN THE EU

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irina PILVERE ◽  
Aleksejs NIPERS ◽  
Bartosz MICKIEWICZ
Keyword(s):  
Green Growth ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Growing Stock ◽  
Europe 2020 ◽  
Europe 2020 Strategy ◽  
Analysis And Synthesis ◽  
Key Industries ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Production Resource

Europe 2020 Strategy highlights bioeconomy as a key element for smart and green growth in Europe. Bioeconomy in this case includes agriculture, forestry, fisheries, food and pulp and paper production, parts of chemical, biotechnological and energy industries and plays an important role in the EU’s economy. The growth of key industries of bioeconomy – agriculture and forestry – highly depends on an efficient and productive use of land as a production resource. The overall aim of this paper is to evaluate opportunities for development of the main sectors of bioeconomy (agriculture and forestry) in the EU based on the available resources of land. To achieve this aim, several methods were used – monographic, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, statistical analysis methods. The findings show that it is possible to improve the use of land in the EU Member States. If all the Member States reached the average EU level, agricultural products worth EUR 77 bln would be annually additionally produced, which is 19 % more than in 2014, and an extra 5 billion m3 volume of forest growing stock would be gained, which is 20 % more than in 2010.

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