scholarly journals When Britain Turned Inward: The Impact of Interwar British Protection

2019 ◽  
Vol 109 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan de Bromhead ◽  
Alan Fernihough ◽  
Markus Lampe ◽  
Kevin Hjortshøj O’Rourke

International trade collapsed, and also became much less multilateral, during the 1930s. Previous studies, looking at aggregate trade flows, have argued that trade policies had relatively little to do with either phenomenon. Using a new dataset incorporating highly disaggregated information on the United Kingdom’s imports and trade policies, we find that while conventional wisdom is correct regarding the impact of trade policy on the total value of British imports, discriminatory trade policies can explain the majority of Britain’s shift toward Imperial imports in the 1930s. (JEL F13, F14, F54, N74)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moon hee Cho ◽  
Chankwon Bae ◽  
Kyu Yub Lee ◽  
Jungu Kang ◽  
Jihyeon Kim

1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Victor Purba

"Section 301" memberikan wewenang luas kepada Presiden AS untuk mengambil tindakanpembalasan terhadap praktek-praktek perdagangan negara asing yang dianggap merugikan AS. Keampuhan Section 301 ini antara lain berhasil membuka pasar bagi barang-barang Amerika di luar negeri. Umpamanya Jepang, yang akhirnya bersedia menerima penjualan alat-alat telekomunikasi, jeruk dan daging asal AS. Namun, ancaman Section 301 tidak selalu berhasil membuka pasar luar negeri. Sengketa kemudian diselesaikan dalam pertemuan-pertemuan GATT.


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (5) ◽  
pp. 48-65
Author(s):  
ONYSHCHENKO Volodymyr

Background. Dynamic changes in international economic relations and trade for thorough analysis and forecasting require an adequate paradigm of international trade theory, which would take into account not only economic and political factors of its development, but also the diverse civilizational context of the world community, which determines mental, social and cultural features of the development of a country. Problem research state. Problems of political economy in international trade to some extent affect the research of P. Krugman, M. Obstfeld, J. Frieden, E. Helpman, P. S. Afontsev, A. Mazaraki, T. Melnyk, V. Panchenko, N. Reznikova and others. But the structure of its methodological discourse and the subject of its research remain unclear. The aim of the articleis to clarify the political and economic discourse of the theory of international trade. Materials and methods. The materials of the research were the works of domestic and foreign specialists. In the process of preparing the article, general scientific research methods were used: historical, logical analysis, synthesis and abstraction. Results. Political economy is a normative manifestation of economic theory, which is formed under the influence of socio-economic and political concepts, the formed goals of social development. The subject of political economy of international trade – economic and socio-political relations that determine and accompany international trade and determine the goals and content of trade policy of its subjects. It is proposed to expand the mechanism of formation of relative advantages and trade policy of the country by including factors that determine not only its economic potential and specialization, but also the risks that may be caused by political decisions. It is argued that the problem of «protectionism vs liberalism» in international trade at the state level will always exist. It turns out that the problem of justice in international economic relations and trade is determined by the civilizational content of the development of countries, in which human capital plays a crucial role. Conclusion. The paradigm of political economy in international trade should be based on an expanded interpretation of relative benefits by assessing the impact of economic, social and political institutionson them, the peculiarities of national trade policies.


Author(s):  
Douglas A. Irwin

This chapter concludes that international trade and trade policies are frequently the object of condemnation rather than approbation. It explains how the condemnation are often the result of misconceptions about the benefits of international trade, the impact of trade policies, and the role and function of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Though the last few decades have been marked by a general reduction in trade barriers, the matter is not settled because the pressures to weaken the commitment to open markets never abate. The chapter emphasizes on difficult policy choices at the intersection of trade policy and climate change that could hold key battles over the world trading system in coming years. It also highlights the several benefits of world trade and the contribution of trade to the welfare and prosperity of billions of people around the world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 488 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paola Fezzigna ◽  
Simone Borghesi ◽  
Dario Caro

International trade shifts production of a large amount of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions embodied in traded goods from the importing country to the exporting country. The European Union (EU) plays a prominent role in the flow of international-related emissions as it accounts for the second largest share of global exports and imports of goods. Consumption-based accountings (CBA) emerged as alternative to the traditional emission inventories based on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) guidelines. According to the IPCC criteria, countries where products are consumed take no responsibility for the emissions produced by exporter countries, thus neglecting the emissions embodied in trade. By taking this aspect into account, CBA are considered of great importance in revealing emissions attributed to the final consumer. Using a CBA approach, this paper evaluates the impact of international trade in the EU in terms of CO2 emissions, looking both at the internal trade flows within the EU-28 and at the external trade flows between the EU and the rest of the world during the period 2012–2015. We find that the EU is a net importer of emissions as its emissions due to consumption exceed those due to production. In particular, in 2015 the ratio between import- and export-embodied emissions was more than 3:1 for the EU-28 that imported 1317 Mt CO2 from the rest of the world (mainly from China and Russia) while exporting only 424 Mt CO2. Concerning emissions flows among EU countries, Germany represents the largest importer, followed by the UK. To get a deeper understanding on possible environmental implications of Brexit on UK emission responsibilities, the paper also advances a few hypotheses on how trade flows could change based on the existing trade patterns of the UK. Data analysis shows that a 10% shift of UK imports from EU partners to its main non-EU trading partners (India, China, and US) would increase its emission responsibility by 5%. The increase in UK emission responsibility would more than double (+11%) in case of a 30% shift of UK imports. Similar results would apply if UK replaced its current EU partners with its main Commonwealth trading partners as a result of Brexit.


1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (4) ◽  
pp. 625-640 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph A. LaNasa

Rules of origin are the criteria used to determine the nationality of a product. They are essential to implementing discriminatory trade policies, compiling economic statistics on trade flows, and marking a product with its country of origin. Rules of origin were easy-to-apply, uncontroversial tools of international trade as long as the parts of a product were manufactured and assembled primarily in one country and other effective protectionist mechanisms could be used.


2006 ◽  
Vol 100 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL Y. KONO

A growing body of research shows that democracies have more liberal trade policies than do autocracies. I argue, in contrast, that democracy has contradictory effects on different types of trade policies because electoral competition generates more information about some than about others. It generates considerable information about policies whose effects on consumer welfare are easy to explain to voters, but less information about policies whose effects are more complex. By increasing the transparency of some policies relative to others, democracy induces politicians to reduce transparent trade barriers but also to replace them with less transparent ones. I test this hypothesis by examining the impact of democracy on tariffs, “core” nontariff barriers (NTBs) such as quotas, and “quality” NTBs such as product standards in 75 countries in the 1990s. I find that democracy leads to lower tariffs, higher core NTBs, and even higher quality NTBs. I conclude that democracy promotes “optimal obfuscation” that allows politicians to protect their markets while maintaining a veneer of liberalization.


Agro Ekonomi ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Sri Widodo

The problem on food security in Indonesia began to be interested since the economic crisis as one component of the social security net. Sustainable food security covers: availability of food, accessibility, utilization, stability, self reliance (autonomy) and sustainability. . Hirarchically food security can be at global order, regional, national, local, household and individual. The higher order offbod security is a necessary condition but not sufficient condition for the lower order.Economic theory indicate that there are gains to be made from free trade. increase the efficiency ufresource allocation, and increase welfare of all countries. However, all government, without exception, intervene to varying degrees in the working of natural market prces, with the reason the need to protect infant industry, to ensure food security, to redistribute income, and to enhance income of small producers.The liberalization initiatives culminated in UR agreement and WTO, among others, dismantling of quantitative restriction and subsidies as well as other nontariff barriers, but there were several new thing of antidumping tariff, sanitary and phytosanitary, technical barrier to trade,environment, and genetically modified organism.The impact of trade liberalization on exporter countries, in general, would benefit the producers, decrease the consumer surplus, and increase social welfare except large populated as India and China. The impact of importer countries depend on the policy of each country. Malaysia and Indonesia by decreasing import tariff policy would increase consumer surplus and social welfare but sacrificing the producers/farmers.National food policies consist of international trade policy domestic price policy, and policy on production efficiency. The international trade policy means to protect producers, consumers, and social welfare from the uncertainty of international market especially in the long run. The stabilization of domestic price policy needs inter department coordination and STE to implement. Protection could result inefficiency but it is needed for commodities those are not ready to compete and to protect from unfair trade, to protect farmers and long run food security.


2019 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 152-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
OLDRICH KRPEC ◽  
VLADAN HODULAK

ABSTRACT The disruptions of trade flows due to military conflicts leads to changes in economic structures of countries, to the subsequent changes in trade policies, and to the changes of established trade patterns with impact on position of countries in international trade system. This paper deals with three modern time’s conflicts: Napoleonic Wars, WWI and WWII. We argue that the changes resulting from the disruption of trade flows itself, leads to changes and shifts which are relatively permanent, independent on outcomes of the conflicts for individual countries, and do significantly affect regions which did not take part in the conflict.


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