PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND POLICY IN THE CARIBBEAN: History and Major Developments

Author(s):  
Colin Clarke

In colonial towns—settlements founded or developed by Western, imperial powers—two or more ‘cities’ usually exist: ‘the indigenous, ‘‘tradition-orientated’’ settlement, frequently manifesting the characteristics of the ‘‘pre-industrial city’’, and on the other hand, the ‘‘new’’ or ‘‘western’’ city, established as a result of the colonial process’ (King 1976: 5–6). But Caribbean cities gainsay this duality. Caribbean societies have virtually no pre- European inhabitants, and the non-Western elements in their cultures are no more indigenous than the traits of their white elites. Caribbean cities are quintessentially colonial, products of early mercantilism. Their creole (local or American) cultural characteristics were fashioned in the Caribbean by white sugar planters, merchants, and administrators who enslaved the blacks they imported from Africa, and with them bred a hybrid group—the free coloured people (Braithwaite 1971). Caribbean colonial cities are characterized by a morphological unity imposed by Europeans, yet their social and spatial structures have been compartmentalized by these creole social divisions (Clarke 1975a; Goodenough 1976; Welch 2003) Caribbean societies have been moulded by colonialism, the sugar plantation and slavery. These historical factors have also been underpinned by insularity, which facilitated occupation, exploitation, and labour control— and implicated port cities in such seaborne activities as sugar export and slave-labour recruitment. Accordingly, four themes provide the organizational framework for this chapter on Kingston, the principal city of Jamaica, during the colonial period: the economy, population, colour-class-culture stratification, and the spatial aspects of the city’s organization. The themes relate to different scales: the urban economy expresses the global aspects of commercial transactions; population and race-class stratification refer to the juxtaposition of different populations and cultures within colonial society; these socio-economic structures give rise to distinctive spatial configurations within the urban community. By 1800 Kingston was the major city and port of the largest British colony in the Caribbean, and its multiracial population was rigidly stratified into legal estates. Since the early nineteenth century, Jamaica has experienced a sequence of clearly identified historical events—slave emancipation in 1834, equalization of the sugar duties after 1845, a workers’ riot in 1938, and a slow process of constitutional decolonization after 1944, leading up to independence in 1962. This chapter is therefore organized around three major periods in Caribbean history—slavery (1692–1838), emancipation and the postemancipation period (1838–1944), and constitutional decolonization (1944– 62).


Author(s):  
Matthew J. Smith

Of the many conditions pronounced that have been strongly featured in the Caribbean experience since the ending of slavery in the 19th century, exile ranks as one of the most profound. Its impact is far-reaching. The circumstances that encourage exile are well known and involve either a willful decision to leave one’s country as a result of political and economic distress or a forced departure sanctioned by the state in an effort to quash internal dissent. There is also the case of political exile of state leaders who fall from grace, a situation associated more with Haiti than with other countries in the Caribbean. Whatever the reasons, exiles and refugees—like other migrants from the Caribbean—brought the Caribbean experience to wider attention. People from the islands surrounded by the Caribbean Sea have since the first days of colonial rule made of that sea a highway for travel to other places, an escape and entry into the wider Atlantic. The personal impact of exile is manifest in several domains, but most obviously in Caribbean culture. The Rastafari faith in Jamaica has as one of its fundamental beliefs that blacks in the Caribbean are in a state of displacement, taken by force to an oppressive Babylon. The Rastafari desire for repatriation to Africa as necessary to bring to an end centuries of exilic life in the Caribbean is not uncommon, nor is their spiritual and cultural preoccupation with exile. Caribbean writers have consistently written about exile and a yearning to return to an imagined home: Barbadian writer George Lamming’s The Pleasures of Exile, Martinican Aimé Césaire’s Return to My Native Land, Jamaican Thomas MacDermot’s poem “A Song for Exiles” (written under the name Tom Redcam), or Bob Marley’s Exodus document the exile experience from several perspectives. Common to all these examples is a melancholic sense of rootlessness and guilt that exile creates among those who have left. There is also a persistent theme of the Caribbean exile as wanderer, moving in and out of different locations across the Atlantic while searching for both a spiritual and physical home and a rationale for their condition. It is a perceived inability to settle completely in a foreign country that produces this guilt. Bob Marley captured this perfectly in “Running Away,” the most poignant of his songs recorded during his exile from Jamaica in 1977: “You must have done something wrong / Why you can’t find a place where you belong?” which is followed later by the rationalization of the decision to leave—“It is better to live on the house top than in a house full of confusion.” The longing to return, whether to Africa, Europe, or Haiti, has been a constant theme in Haiti and the Caribbean, and it is linked to the long centuries of slavery. Metaphors of slavery and its associated sense of displacement are replete in the literature on exile not only in the 20th-century writings of Depestre, Dany Lafferière, Danticat, the art of Edouard Duval-Carrié, and the music of the Haitian diaspora, but also in references to the social conditions of the Caribbean’s populations during the period of slavery. If exile has been a persistent theme in Caribbean history, popping in and out of narratives of the nation at various points on a temporal map of the region, in Haiti it has been woven completely into the fabric of Haitian national history. Exile has always carried a powerful resonance in Haitian culture because it has been a pervasive aspect of Haitian political life. Twentieth-century cultural references to exile and displacement are numerous. In the decades since the coming to power of François Duvalier in 1957, which precipitated mass migration from the island, the theme of exile has been consistently and most powerfully articulated by Haitian writers and singers. From Réne Depestre’s famous poem “Exile,” in which he compared the country itself to a departure gate in an airport with people waiting to leave, to Edwidge Danticat’s novels, the theme is ever-present. Rodrigue Milien’s painful song of exile in the Duvalier years, “Nostalgie,” sung in both Creole and English, poignantly captured the loneliness of the Haitian exile: “When someone leaves his country far away and life is mistreating you and you want to kill yourself … take me back to Haiti, take me back to Haiti.” This article considers the roots of exile in Haiti’s long 19th century, which Haitian scholar Patrick Bellegarde-Smith has suggested began with independence in 1804 and ended with U.S. military occupation in 1915, through the personal experiences and writings of three prominent 19th-century exiles: Joseph Balthazar Inginac (Mémoires, 1843), Edmond Paul (Les causes de nos malheurs, 1882), and Anténor Firmin (Lettres de Saint-Thomas, 1910). None of these men were ever president of Haiti, but they all wielded political and intellectual influence. Common to all three was their forced departure from Haiti for political reasons. They each settled in locations across the Caribbean at different times. Notably, none of these writers settled in North America or Europe. From afar they wrote extensively on Haiti’s predicament and the impact of exile on Haiti and their personal lives. Through a reading of their experiences in exile it is possible to arrive at a fresh perspective of the place of exile in the unfolding of Haiti’s post-independence development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-26
Author(s):  
Randle Sloan-Torano

Caribbean history and ethnocultural evolution since the late nineteenth-century has been restructured to strategize a new scholarly native. This study examines how Cuba and the Dominican Republic became cultural markets for such trend. It also reviews the hypothetical extinction of the Caribbean naturals as it potentialized a highly commercialized era as theorists developed unique tools to implement an academic discourse irrelevant to Caribbean natives’ origins, cultures and fate. The cultural market trends were so far-reaching and successful that there is a need to assess pre-European native Caribbean history away from the sought-after taino market modeled after Constantine Samuel Rafinesque since 1836. Consequently, by the mid twentieth century a critical separation from traditional native Caribbean ethnohistory was well established within a suppositional trend inconsequential to original native biological evolution, language and diversity. This study analyses early ethnopolitical native contacts as tribal independencies interacted before and after discovery. Relevant historical facts originated from national archives and critical older books.


1998 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bridget Brereton

Although history has been one of the main disciplines through which we can understand gender, the paucity of data written or recorded by women makes it more difficult for the historian to research women's lives in the past. In the Caribbean, this task has been made easier by the discovery of a few key sources which allow an insight into the private sphere of Caribbean women's lives. These records of women who have lived in the Caribbean since the 1800s consist of memoirs, diaries and letters. The autobiographical writings include the extraordinary record of Mary Prince, a Bermuda-born enslaved African woman. Other sources which have been examined are the diaries of women who were members of the élite in the society, and educated women who worked either in professions or through the church to assist others in their societies. Through her examination of the testimonies of these women, the author reveals aspects of childhood, motherhood, marriage and sexual abuses which different women – free and unfree, white, black or coloured – experienced. The glimpses allow us to see Caribbean women who have lived with and challenged the definitions of femininity allowed them in the past. It demonstrates that the distinctions created between women's private and public lives were as artificial then as they are at present.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-207
Author(s):  
Peter James Hudson

This essay offers a response to two critical commentaries—from diplomatic historian Brenda Gayle Plummer and political theorist Clarisse Burden-Stelly—on the author’s Bankers and Empire: How Wall Street Colonized the Caribbean. While locating both commentaries under the epistemological and political purview of the radical wing of black studies, the essay focuses on four topics that appear in Plummer’s and Burden-Stelly’s comments: (1) the question of class, and in particular the role of the Caribbean middle classes, in the history of finance, banking, imperial expansion, and Caribbean sovereignty; (2) the particular status and nature of the Caribbean region within the history of capitalism; (3) the nature and the meaning of the well-worn term racial capitalism; and (4) the idea of “war” as a fundamental aspect of the modes of regulation and accumulation of said racial capitalism.


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