Network Analysis Applied to the Political Networks of Mexico

2014 ◽  
pp. 407-426
2002 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey C Johnson ◽  
Michael K Orbach

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 152-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Narisong Huhe ◽  
Daniel Naurin ◽  
Robert Thomson

We assess the impact of the United Kingdom’s 2016 decision to leave the European Union on the Council of the European Union, where Brexit is likely to have the clearest observable implications. Using concepts and models from the spatial model of politics and network analysis, we formulate and test expectations regarding the effects of Brexit. We examine two of the most prominent datasets on recent decision-making in the European Union, which include data on cooperation networks among member states before and after the 2016 referendum. Our findings identify some of the political challenges that Brexit will bring, but also highlight the factors that are already helping the European Union’s remaining member states to adapt to Brexit.


2020 ◽  
pp. 111-157
Author(s):  
Vinícius Zanoli

Neste artigo, baseado em investigação etnográfica realizada entre 2015 e 2019, discuto os impactos das relações entre movimentos sociais na consolidação de um ativismo interseccional. Trata-se de uma análise das redes nas quais atua o Aos Brados, um coletivo LGBTI, negro e da periferia fundado há mais de 20 anos em Campinas (São Paulo, Brasil). Aqui, demonstro como o grupo, ao circular por uma teia que conecta atores e movimentos distintos, passa a aderir e ressignificar noções e práticas políticas que circulam em tal rede. Ao analisar as atividades culturais que passaram a realizar a partir de 2008, evidencio a importância das relações entre ativismos na consolidação de uma identidade política coletiva e de um modo de atuar que valoriza as interseccionalidades, fato pouco explorado pela literatura sobre movimento LGBTI, em particular, e sobre movimentos sociais, de modo geral. Black, LGBTI and from the Favelas: The Impact of the Relationships between Movements in the Consolidation of Intersectional Activisms Abstract: In this article, based on an ethnographic investigation carried between 2015 and 2019, I address the impact of the relationships between social movements in the consolidation of an intersectional activism. The analysis is centered on the political networks of a black, peripheric and LGBTI organization: Aos Brados; founded in 1998 in Campinas (São Paulo, Brazil). Here, I demonstrate how, while moving through a web that connects different movements, the group reframes notions and practices circulating in this network. Through the analysis of the cultural activities that the group organizes since 2008, I reveal the significance of the relationships between social movements in the strengthening of a collective political identity and a form of acting that invests in intersectionality; a fact underexplored in the literature. Keywords: Social Movements, LGBTI Movement, Black Movement; Intersectional Activism  


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 3-55
Author(s):  
Daniel Patrick Morgan

Abstract This article offers a social and geographical network analysis of all attested works, authors, and practitioners in the mathematical sciences in China over the period of disunion and reunification from 311 to 618 ce. Inspired by Karine Chemla’s (2009) efforts to distinguish “different mathematical cultures” within the extant corpus of suan 筭/算 procedure texts, the goal is to explore a viable framework within which to break down the history of Chinese mathematics along different, pluralistic lines. What I find is that this period is home to distinct regional networks working in isolation from one another, and that situating authors within these networks helps explain continuities and discontinuities in their technical writing. This is evidence of plurality, but one that is incommensurable with Chemla’s “mathematical cultures,” so I offer it as an alternative means to the same historiographical ends. In examining what our historical subjects said and did about this plurality of traditions, however, we realize that it was as aberrant to them as the political disunion of which it was a product ‒ something to be rectified by “unification” (tongyi 統一), “integration” (tong 通), and, where necessary, force.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Ghinoi ◽  
Bodo Steiner

Climate change is considered by policymakers as one of the most pressing global issues of our time. International institutions and national governments are, to varying degrees, committed to tackling climate change, but it has only been possible to define a shared system of collective goals across countries through the 2015 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris (COP21). A growing interest in climate change policy has been present in the Italian political debate, yet we have little evidence regarding the nature of related climate change debates across Italian policymakers. By using Discourse Network Analysis (DNA) to investigate Italian policymakers’ discourses in the Chamber of Deputies during the 17th Italian Legislature (2013–2018), this study shows that debates on climate change-related strategies are largely unpolarized, except for certain issues, and that coalitions emerge over time around core strategies. Groups of policymakers with similar policy beliefs emerge independently from their political affiliations. Our analysis is thus the first to apply DNA to provide empirical evidence of the convergence across Italian policymakers and the potential for the bridging of political discourses on climate change.


2019 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 363-376
Author(s):  
Tetiana Kostiuchenko ◽  
Inna Melnykovska

Abstract How was the business-state symbiosis in Ukraine sustained throughout the political turbulences of the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity? Using the method of social network analysis (SNA), we demonstrate how the political – formal and informal – ties of Ukrainian big business to the different branches of state power evolved and what models of state-business relations developed during each presidency. The analysis covers the period of 2007-2018 and focuses on the comparison of the relational structures between political and business elites in Ukraine over a decade. We trace the visibility of various business cliques within political institutions during the last 10 years, and track changes in business-state relations through influential persons, positions, groups and network structures.


2018 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynn McIntyre ◽  
Geneviève Jessiman-Perreault ◽  
Catherine L. Mah ◽  
Jenny Godley

Purpose: This paper aims to: (i) visualize the networks of food insecurity policy actors in Canada, (ii) identify potential food insecurity policy entrepreneurs (i.e., individuals with voice, connections, and persistence) within these networks, and (iii) examine the political landscape for action on food insecurity as revealed by social network analysis. Methods: A survey was administered to 93 Canadian food insecurity policy actors. They were each asked to nominate 3 individuals whom they believed to be policy entrepreneurs. Ego-centred social network maps (sociograms) were generated based on data on nominees and nominators. Results: Seventy-two percent of the actors completed the survey; 117 unique nominations ensued. Eleven actors obtained 3 or more nominations and thus were considered policy entrepreneurs. The majority of actors nominated actors from the same province (71.5%) and with a similar approach to theirs to addressing food insecurity (54.8%). Most nominees worked in research, charitable, and other nongovernmental organizations. Conclusions: Networks of Canadian food insecurity policy actors exist but are limited in scope and reach, with a paucity of policy entrepreneurs from political, private, or governmental jurisdictions. The networks are divided between food-based solution actors and income-based solution actors, which might impede collaboration among those with differing approaches to addressing food insecurity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 92-129
Author(s):  
Eduard Fanthome

Current scholarship on medieval South India has developed a comprehensive account of the ways in which political claims were constituted by dynasts and their subordinates in a range of contexts, from imperial courts to provinces. It has elaborated the modalities of political claim-making through instantiations of politico-cultural traditions or ‘cosmopolises’, and the integrative processes and social changes associated with them. However, this scholarship largely focused on imperial capitals and secondary urban settlements, which constituted nodes in the political networks of polities and loci of contestation and integration within them. Regions in which cosmopolitan traditions did not inform political practice remain opaque to this historiography. This article investigates one such contest- the ‘contested’ Raichur Doab. It explores the politics of the production of a settlement- MARP-30 and the ways they were negotiated to constitute relations of inclusion and exclusion.MARP-30 is part of the multi-component site at Maski that during the period of MARP-30’s occupation does not evince evidence of cosmopolitan practices. Examining the constitution of socio-political relations in this context will expand our understanding of political practice in medieval South India to include practices inaccessible through texts and under-explored archaeologically, and yet typical of medieval South India given the political and social dynamism that characterize the medieval period.


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