scholarly journals The political networks of Mexico and measuring centralization

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 26-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip A. Sinclair
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Networks

scholarly journals Perceiving the political landscape: ego biases in cognitive political networks

2002 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey C Johnson ◽  
Michael K Orbach
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Political Networks

scholarly journals Negros, LGBTI e periféricos: o impacto das relações entre movimentos na consolidação de ativismos interseccionais

2020 ◽  
pp. 111-157
Author(s):  
Vinícius Zanoli
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Sao Paulo ◽  
The Political ◽  
São Paulo ◽  
Cultural Activities ◽  
Political Networks ◽  
Black Movement ◽  
The Impact

Neste artigo, baseado em investigação etnográfica realizada entre 2015 e 2019, discuto os impactos das relações entre movimentos sociais na consolidação de um ativismo interseccional. Trata-se de uma análise das redes nas quais atua o Aos Brados, um coletivo LGBTI, negro e da periferia fundado há mais de 20 anos em Campinas (São Paulo, Brasil). Aqui, demonstro como o grupo, ao circular por uma teia que conecta atores e movimentos distintos, passa a aderir e ressignificar noções e práticas políticas que circulam em tal rede. Ao analisar as atividades culturais que passaram a realizar a partir de 2008, evidencio a importância das relações entre ativismos na consolidação de uma identidade política coletiva e de um modo de atuar que valoriza as interseccionalidades, fato pouco explorado pela literatura sobre movimento LGBTI, em particular, e sobre movimentos sociais, de modo geral. Black, LGBTI and from the Favelas: The Impact of the Relationships between Movements in the Consolidation of Intersectional Activisms Abstract: In this article, based on an ethnographic investigation carried between 2015 and 2019, I address the impact of the relationships between social movements in the consolidation of an intersectional activism. The analysis is centered on the political networks of a black, peripheric and LGBTI organization: Aos Brados; founded in 1998 in Campinas (São Paulo, Brazil). Here, I demonstrate how, while moving through a web that connects different movements, the group reframes notions and practices circulating in this network. Through the analysis of the cultural activities that the group organizes since 2008, I reveal the significance of the relationships between social movements in the strengthening of a collective political identity and a form of acting that invests in intersectionality; a fact underexplored in the literature. Keywords: Social Movements, LGBTI Movement, Black Movement; Intersectional Activism  

Politics Beyond Imperial Cores: Spatial Production in the Peripheries of Medieval South India

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 92-129
Author(s):  
Eduard Fanthome
Keyword(s):  
South India ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Medieval Period ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
Spatial Production ◽  
Political Networks ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Urban Settlements

Current scholarship on medieval South India has developed a comprehensive account of the ways in which political claims were constituted by dynasts and their subordinates in a range of contexts, from imperial courts to provinces. It has elaborated the modalities of political claim-making through instantiations of politico-cultural traditions or ‘cosmopolises’, and the integrative processes and social changes associated with them. However, this scholarship largely focused on imperial capitals and secondary urban settlements, which constituted nodes in the political networks of polities and loci of contestation and integration within them. Regions in which cosmopolitan traditions did not inform political practice remain opaque to this historiography. This article investigates one such contest- the ‘contested’ Raichur Doab. It explores the politics of the production of a settlement- MARP-30 and the ways they were negotiated to constitute relations of inclusion and exclusion.MARP-30 is part of the multi-component site at Maski that during the period of MARP-30’s occupation does not evince evidence of cosmopolitan practices. Examining the constitution of socio-political relations in this context will expand our understanding of political practice in medieval South India to include practices inaccessible through texts and under-explored archaeologically, and yet typical of medieval South India given the political and social dynamism that characterize the medieval period.

WHAT WAS THE FIRST AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE?

2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELLIOT VERNON ◽  
PHILIP BAKER
Keyword(s):  
General Council ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
New Model ◽  
The Public ◽  
Charles I ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Networks ◽  
City Of London ◽  
Political Scene

ABSTRACTThis article examines the origins of the first Agreement of the people: a draft written constitution presented to the general council of the New Model Army on 28 October 1647. It argues that the Agreement was a document that emerged from concerns amongst some of the soldiery and their civilian allies that the terms of a projected settlement with Charles I, The heads of the proposals, would betray the political programme advanced in the army's earlier public statements, especially its Declaration, or, representation of 14 June 1647. As such, this article moves away from the traditional narrative of seeing the Agreement as a Leveller manifesto that was authored in a deliberate attempt to infiltrate the army, and thereby asks fresh questions about the political networks and the programme behind the document. What emerges is a picture of the post-first Civil War political scene that integrates parliamentary manoeuvrings with City of London politics and the public and private affairs of a politicized army. As a result, the article sheds new light on aspects of the constitutional crisis of the later 1640s.

Afghan Histories beyond the State, War, and Tribe

2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-148
Author(s):  
Robert Nichols
Keyword(s):  
English Language ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
State Building ◽  
Historical Narratives ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Careers ◽  
Political Networks ◽  
History Of ◽  
New Material ◽  
Interdisciplinary Thinking

Increased access to archival and other textual sources and the situating of “Afghan” history within wider theoretical, comparative, and interdisciplinary thinking have opened Afghanistan-related studies to new fields of research and analysis. This offers new opportunities to reimagine and move beyond established historical narratives and preoccupations. At a point when English-language archives have been comprehensively mined for the political histories of Afghan dynasties, intruding Western empires, and the dynamics of modernity and state-building, non-English-language primary-source material has become increasingly available, including in translation and in online digital archival formats. The recent English translation by M. Mehdi Khorrami and Robert D. McChesney of volume three ofThe History of Afghanistanby the Afghan Hazara historian Fayz Muhammad Katib (c. 1863–1931) offers new material with which to reconsider not only elite political careers but also ethnic identity and competition, the sociology of provincial political networks, and the creation of governing rules codified by ʿAbd al-Rahman and Habibullah.

The Challant political networks

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Vester
Keyword(s):  
Information Exchange ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Kingdom ◽  
Political Networks ◽  
Political Relationships ◽  
The Alps ◽  
Swiss Cantons

The political networks of René de Challant were spatially diffused across what had been called the Lotharingian ‘Middle Kingdom’, reaching from northwestern Italy across the Alps into Savoie and the Swiss cantons, and, from there, northward to Lorraine and Flanders. René interacted with other leaders across this area as both a patron and a client and was assisted in his network by officers who sometimes served him for decades. To these, were added networks of ecclesiastical influence and circles of influence manipulated by his second wife, Mencia. These political relationships were maintained through complex strategies of information exchange and distribution and were simultaneously threatened and reinforced by René’s interactions with Sabaudian, French, and Imperial officers.

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