Moral Judgment and Market Negotiations: A Comparison of Chinese and American Managers

1997 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
John B. Ford ◽  
Michael S. LaTour ◽  
Scott J. Vitell ◽  
Warren A. French
Keyword(s):  
International Business ◽  
Exploratory Study ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The United States ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Cognitive Moral Development ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Business People ◽  
Negotiation Style ◽  
Insight Into

Given the potential of the trading relationship between the People's Republic of China and the United States, insight into the Sino-American market negotiation process has never been more important. This exploratory study compares the Cognitive Moral Development (CMD) and negotiation style of international business people from mainland China with their direct American counterparts. In so doing, insight is gained concerning the cultural underpinnings of the market negotiation process with this very important, yet very foreign, Asian trading partner.

scholarly journals An Exploratory Study on Negotiating Styles: Development of a Measure

2009 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 37-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manish Kumar ◽  
Himanshu Rai ◽  
Surya Prakash Pati
Keyword(s):  
Psychometric Properties ◽  
Exploratory Study ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Value Systems ◽  
Disciplinary Boundaries ◽  
Negotiation Style ◽  
Business Negotiations ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Management Students

Negotiation study as a tool in conflict management has been in vogue since long and spans the disciplinary boundaries. The outcome of business negotiations depends on bargainer characteristics, situation, and the negotiation process, which also drive the style adopted by a negotiator. Negotiation as a universal phenomenon does not have a universal style as the notion of consistent improved results for an individual�s business value has multiplicity of measures. Also, when it comes to negotiation style studies, they have either been packaged with other constructs or have been confused with them. For the clarity of the construct therefore it is essential that separation needs to be maintained between the definition of negotiating style as a construct and other closely related constructs. It is therefore proposed that works in negotiation need to be broadly divided into three types, involving the constructs of: Negotiating style Negotiating ability Negotiating strategy. Literature review suggests that the researchers are divided regarding the number of dimensions of negotiating style. In most of the studies, the proposed dimensions range from one to five. Also, no scale on negotiating style has been validated. In recent years, there has been an increased recognition of need to look at negotiations in Asia-Pacific context. Therefore we developed a scale to measure negotiating style of people and tested it in the Indian context. The sample included a cross-section of working executives and management students and the research design for the exploratory study included item generation, scale development, and assessment of scale�s psychometric properties. On analysis, the scale showed robust psychometric properties. Based on the results obtained, there are four types of negotiation style adopted by people: Analytical Equitable Amicable Aggressive. The findings can be used as a diagnostic tool to evaluate the extent to which one would like to have an attribute on a particular kind of negotiating style as well as a tool to enable in bridging the gap in the value systems.

The Case for Recognizing Peking Now—or in 1992

Worldview ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (12) ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Gerald F. Hyman
Keyword(s):  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
General Question ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

If Secretary of State Vance's “exploratory” trip to China proved nothing else, it demonstrated once again that because our relations with Taiwan are the main obstacles to recognizing the People's Republic of China, it is Taiwan, not mainland China, that poses the main problem for American foreign policy in Asia. To a man the Chinese reiterated their conditions for establishing relations: abrogate the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1954; break diplomatic relations with Taiwan; and withdraw the American military personnel from the island. With respect to the general question of Taiwan, they all referred back to the PRC section of the Shanghai Communique (published jointly with our own):The Taiwan question is the crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations between China and the United States; the Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government of China; Taiwan is a province of China which has long been returned to the motherland; the liberation of Taiwan is China's internal affair in which no other country has the right to interfere; and all U.S. forces and military installations must be withdrawn from Taiwan. The Chinese Government firmly opposes any activities which aim at the creation of “one China, two governments,” “two Chinas” and “independent Taiwan” or advocate that “the status of Taiwan remains to be determined” [The “Shanghai Communique,” February 27, 1972].

scholarly journals The One-China Policy and Implications of U.S. Invariable Support for Taiwan

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 40-52
Author(s):  
Sheriff G.I. ◽  
Chubado B.T. ◽  
Ahmet A.
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The United States ◽  
China Policy ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
To Come ◽  
The One ◽  
Trade Wars ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S

This paper discusses the concept of the one-China policy and how the United States support of Taiwan poses a challenge to stability in the region. The paper adopted the library descriptive instrument from historical research to come up with the available data in the paper. Findings show that, since 1949, the struggle between the Nationalist Republic of China and the Communist party escalated into a civil war which resulted in the defeat of Kuomintang and the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC), which took control of all mainland China. Only the island of Taiwan remained under the control of the ROC. Since then, both the ROC and the PRC have been claiming to represent all of "China", and both officially claim each other's territory. The paper concludes that China cannot forfeit the strait of Taiwan despite American support to the island. The deteriorating relationship between the U.S and China relationship has seen trade wars to accusations on the origins of the coronavirus to political buffering, to the sovereign of Taiwan and Hongkong, it just seems to be a manifestation of the Sino-American Cold War. The way things appear, the relationship between the U.S and China will further deteriorate largely because democracy and liberal order are being challenged by the political posture of China. The paper recommends that there is the need to maintain the non-interference principle by the two parties, the United States should know that Taiwan is China and therefore not meddle in the affairs of China and vice-versa.

The International Legal Status of Formosa

1968 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 144-163
Author(s):  
D. Barry Kirkham
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Far East ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The United States ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Communist China ◽  
Primary Obstacle ◽  
Formal Relations

We consider that the isolation of Communist China from a large part of normal international relations is dangerous. We are prepared to accept the reality of the victory in mainland China in 1949…. We consider, however, that the effective political independence of Taiwan is a political reality too.—THE HONORABLE PAUL MARTINThe International Legal Status of Formosa has long been a subject of vigorous political and academic debate. Twenty-three years after the termination of the Second World War the matter remains completely unresolved; yet it is of fundamental importance. As one writer has stated, “The question of the international status of Taiwan has been the central issue of dispute between the People’s Republic of China and a number of western states and has constituted the primary obstacle to the establishment of formal relations between mainland China and Canada.” In the words of another scholar:The Formosa problem is perhaps the most important cause of the hostile relationship between the United States and Communist China. Its prolonged unsettlement creates a highly dangerous situation in the Far East. As a result, many international problems, such as Chinese recognition, the seating of Communist China and disarmament remain unsolved. Accordingly, an early settlement of the Formosan problem is necessary.

An International Course in International Business Writing: Belgium, Finland, the United States

1997 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 63-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulla M. Connor ◽  
Kenneth W. Davis ◽  
Teun De Rycker ◽  
Elisabeth Margaretha Phillips ◽  
J. Piet Verckens
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
International Business ◽  
The United States ◽  
Business Writing ◽  
Business People ◽  
Three Components

Since 1994, a course in international business writing has been taught simul taneously at institutions in Belgium, Finland, and the United States. The course, which grew out of earlier, shorter-term activities involving Belgian and U.S. students, has three components: (a) instruction; (b) a simulation, in which students exchange business documents internationally; and (c) case studies of business people who communicate internationally in writing.

scholarly journals W. E. B. AND SHIRLEY GRAHAM DU BOIS IN MAOIST CHINA

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yunxiang Gao
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Color Line ◽  
Chinese Translation ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Du Bois ◽  
Permanent Home ◽  
Maoist China ◽  
Insight Into

AbstractUsing previously untranslated Chinese sources, this article adds dimension and insight into the visits of W. E. B. and Shirley Graham Du Bois to the People's Republic of China in 1959 and 1963. After discussing Du Bois's earlier writings and visit to China in 1936, the article reveals the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) awareness of Du Bois's favorable commentary on the nation during the 1950s. Using articles from thePeople's Daily(Renmin ribao) and other Chinese sources, I argue that the CCP and the Du Boises gained mutual benefit from the visit outside of the “arranged reality” of such political tourism. The CCP gained increased legitimacy among African nations as a nation of color. Du Bois widened his famous dictum about the importance of the color line in the twentieth century to include Asians. In a preface to a 1959 Chinese translation of theSouls of Black Folk(published to commemorate his visit), Du Bois amended his argument about the color line to emphasize the international struggle of the working classes. In addition to discussion on W. E. B. Du Bois's writings about China following the 1959 visit, I focus on Shirley Graham Du Bois's interactions with the Chinese, their knowledge of her scholarship about Paul Robeson, the celebrated Black American singer, actor, and communist, and her politically sympathetic actions toward China. After the death of her husband, Graham Du Bois sustained involvement with China throughout the Cultural Revolution until her death in 1977 and interment in theBabaoshanCemetery for Revolutionary Heroes in Beijing. Her burial fixed an appropriate identity with China. While her husband's grave site was in Ghana, an unfriendly military government controlled that nation and the United States was no longer her home country. China became her permanent home.

Taiwan's Mainland Policy: Normalization, Yes; Reunification, Later

1996 ◽  
Vol 148 ◽  
pp. 1260-1283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Pierre Cabestan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic

Since 1949, the spectre of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has constantly dominated Taiwan's political stage. The PRC was considered until the mid-1960s by Chiang Kai-shek, then President of the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROCOT), as a part of the country to be reconquered from the Communist bandits (gongfei). And since the United States′ de-recognition in 1979 the reunification with mainland China has remained one of the key official objectives of the Nationalist regime.

Competing Images and American Official Reconsiderations of China Policy, 1961&–1968

2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 53-92
Author(s):  
Evelyn Goh
Keyword(s):  
Mainland China ◽  
The United States ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Military Bases ◽  
China Policy ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The People ◽  
Communist China ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
The Taiwan Strait

AbstractIn February 1972, President Richard Nixon made a historic visit to the People”s Republic of China (PRC), marking a Sino-American rapprochement and the beginning of the route to normalization of relations. This came more than twenty years after mainland China turned Communist and fought American-led United Nations forces in Korea. Thereafter, the United States had sought to ”contain“. Communist China by means of bilateral alliances and military bases in East Asia, and to isolate it by refusing to recognize the Communist regime. The next twenty years were marked by American opposition to UN membership for the PRC, three crises in the Taiwan Strait, much offensive rhetoric, and a proxy war in Vietnam. Thus it appeared in 1972 that Nixon had executed a dramatic reversal of U.S. China policy in ending this hostile estrangement.

“The Persistent ‘Old Peking Union Medical College’ in the Mao Era”

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-262
Author(s):  
Hu Cheng ◽  
Jiang Yuhong
Keyword(s):  
Mainland China ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Peking Union Medical College ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Medical College ◽  
Small Cohort ◽  
Chinese Scholars ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Better Than

After 1950, the “Old pumc [Peking Union Medical College]” represented for many “the greatest bulwark for the American cultural aggression,” a label deeply rooted in China’s ideology of “anti-Americanism” during the Cold War. The Chinese Communist Party (ccp) advocated the carrying forward of the Yan’an spirit of populism and was determined to make the “People’s New pumc” better than the “Old pumc” before 1949, when the ccp took control of Mainland China. However, to upgrade medical care standards and promote advanced scientific research, pragmatic ccp leaders had to rely on intellectuals who received training at the “Old pumc” and retained most of its old traditions. Therefore, the persistence of the “Old pumc” mirrored the struggle between East and West, China and the United States, politics and academics, elites and masses, and urban and rural during the critical period of the Mao Zedong era. More important, this paper will demonstrate how regardless of extraordinary personal and political pressure, a small cohort of the Chinese scholars held fast to the dignity of a truth-seeking spirit, resisting the ideology of “anti-Americanism” that prevailed in the People’s Republic of China during this era.

Metacommunication Effects on International Business Negotiating in China

1997 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeanette W. Gilsdorf
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Business ◽  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
The West ◽  
Cultural Assumptions ◽  
Republic Of China

Forpractitioners and teachers, this article reviews the literature on differences in cultural assumptions underlying negotiation between businesspersons in the People's Republic of China and those from the West, particularly the United States. Unless perceived and understood, profound differences in atti tudes, expectations, and unworded messages will frustrate businesspeople's efforts to do business with China, a huge and developing market.

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