scholarly journals Parties’ Issue Emphasis Strategies on Facebook

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wojciech Rafałowski
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Issue Ownership ◽  
The One ◽  
Issue Emphasis

In recent years, a significant amount of research has been devoted to theorising and explaining parties’ vote-seeking behaviours with regard to emphasising certain policy domains and ignoring others. These strategies are largely determined by the parties’ issue ownership and the context of the competition. In this article, I explore the interaction between these two groups of factors, that is, how a given party type and its role within the party system moderate the political actor’s responsiveness to various unfolding events. The study uses a collection of Facebook posts published by the official profiles of some of the Polish political parties. I demonstrate that the competitors develop distinct strategies of issue emphasis in accordance with the incentives coming from the events that occur on the one hand and their strengths and weaknesses related to certain issue domains on the other.

The Labor Party in Ulster: Opposition by Cartel

1967 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 526-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard F. Rutan
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Socialization ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Society ◽  
Political Beliefs

Almost thirty years ago Nicholas Mansergh concluded that the political parties in Northern Ireland did not fulfill the needs of the political system: that (to put his statement in more contemporary terms) the input functions, particularly that of political socialization, were enfeebled to the extent that one party constituted a permanent government while the other became an equally permanent opposition. What is more, underlying the party system and within the political society itself there existed no consensus on fundamentals: “There is no residue of political beliefs—as in Great Britain and the Free State—acceptable to both parties.”

scholarly journals The Memory of Communist Poland in the Third Polish Republic. A Tentative Systematisation

2016 ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Jerzy Łazor ◽  
Wojciech Morawski
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Other ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Communist System ◽  
Veteran Status ◽  
The One

The political discourse in Poland in the final years before the fall of communism in 1989, was based on a strong opposition between the authorities and the rest of society. Even then, however, support for the opposition was not unanimous, and it was even less so in previous years. Most Poles considered the communist system forced, exogenous, oppressive, unacceptable, and supported by the Soviet threat. Still, individual reactions were varied: there were different paths to be taken through communism. The authors of the paper discuss how these paths contributed to differing recollections of the period. They focus on the collective memory of political parties and politicians, particularly on the controversial question of collaborating with the communist regime and the rights to veteran status among the former opposition members. It is a story of two types of memory: the one stressing reconciliation and the other pushing the distinction between former regime representatives and democratic opposition members

scholarly journals The failure of mainstream parties and the impact of new challenger parties in France, Italy and Spain

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Post War ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Collective Engagement

Abstract Political parties share a very bad reputation in most European countries. This paper provides an interpretation of this sentiment, reconstructing the downfall of the esteem in which parties were held and their fall since the post-war years up to present. In particular, the paper focuses on the abandonment of the parties' founding ‘logic of appropriateness’ based, on the one hand, on the ethics for collective engagement in collective environments for collective aims and, on the other hand, on the full commitment of party officials. The abandonment of these two aspects has led to a crisis of legitimacy that mainstream parties have tried to counteract in ways that have proven ineffective, as membership still declines and confidence still languishes. Finally, the paper investigates whether the new challenger parties in France, Italy and Spain have introduced organizational and behavioural changes that could eventually reverse disaffection with the political party per se.

scholarly journals The relationship between the members of parliament and political parties

2011 ◽  
pp. 259-268
Author(s):  
Svetozar Ciplic
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Free Term ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Voting System ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Member Of Parliament

In this paper an attempt has been made to present one of the most prominent contradictions of the contemporary parliamentarianism in states which have a proportional voting system. This contradiction stems from the three-fold relationship between: a voter, a member of parliament (MP) and a political party from whose electoral list the MP is elected. On the one hand, a person does not have the possibility to be elected in the parliament if acting independently, outside the political party and its party mechanisms and logistical capacities. On the other hand, after being appointed the parliamentary term as a result of the party's will, the person attains the freedom, through their free term of office, to distance themselves from their political party, and even to leave it and join another political option. The paper also shows that this phenomenon significantly affects and deforms the principle of citizens' sovereignty, given that it is the political parties which have the major impact on the voters' sovereign will expressed at the elections. .

De Europese programma's van Fianna Fail, FDF-RW en Volksunie : Een gemene noemer voor Ierse nationalisten en Belgische federalisten ?

Res Publica ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-113
Author(s):  
Joan Hart ◽  
Bruno De Witte
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
European Integration ◽  
National Level ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Economic Importance ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Level ◽  
Fianna Fail ◽  
The One

The article compares the attitude of the Irish Fianna Fait, the Flemish Volksunie, and the coalition of the Rassemblement Wallon and the Francophone Brussels' PDF, towards Europe and their programmes for the European elections.These parties do not define themselves on a socio-economic or religious basis, as most of the other European political parties do, but give ideological priority to the ethnic or national factor. Does this imply a common and distinctive attitude to European integration ?The answer must be no; they disagree not only on sectoral policies, but their fundamental outlook is different.  FDF-RW and VU, on the one hand, though bitter opponents on the national level, both favour a federal Europe, in order to promote autonomy for their respective regions.Fianna Fait on the other hand, white recognizing the political and economic importance of Europe, is sceptical on the institutional level.  Fianna Faits approach is essentially pragmatic, being a government party identifying its interests with the national interest, whereas the Belgian federalists cannot identify themselves with the existing Belgian state.  Therefore it is unlikely at present that Fianna Fait wilt leave its European allies - the Gaullists - to join a hypothetic regionalist grouping in European Parliament.

scholarly journals The political theory of parties

Politik ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
The Other ◽  
Theoretical Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Insufficient Attention ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
Scant Attention ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The One

Political theory has for a long time paid scant attention to the topic of political parties and partisanship. In recent times, however, there has emerged a body of theoretical research that seeks to draw attention to the place of parties and partisanship in a well-functioning polity. This article offers an overview of this research, discussing approaches that focus on partisanship as an associative practice, on the one hand, and approaches that focus on the party as an institution, on the other. The article argues that, while the two approaches no doubt usefully complement each other, concentrating on partisanship at the expense of party risks paying insufficient attention to the institutional structures that ultimately connect partisans to the state and allow them to exercise power. This is problematic insofar as it is especially the party as institution whose virtues are currently called into question. Given this, the article proposes to shift the emphasis in theoretical research from partisanship-centred theories to party-centred theories.

On reception of the American two-party system experience in modern Russia: pros and cons

10.12737/1934 ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-117
Author(s):  
Лариса Байбакова ◽  
Larisa Baybakova
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
American Model ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
The One ◽  
Ruling Party

Lately there has been a lot of talk in Russian political circles about the desirability of transition from a multiparty to twoparty system. It is believed that today its American model is one of the most effective mechanisms of representative form of government. Several attempts to create a two-party system have been undertaken in Russia for the last decade and a half, but it was not possible to implement this idea. After the elections in September 2013 a number of politicians have proposed to create a two-party system of government, considering that current ruling party «Yedinaya Rossiya (United Russia)» requires an adequate party rival. In prospects one cannot exclude the creation in Russia of a two-party system, but in present conditions it is difficult to assess the degree of its effectiveness. On the one hand, its functioning is conducive to a Federal form of government and majority system of election of senior officials, and on the other, there are centrifugal trends in the dynamics of political processes, strengthened after the laws adopted over the last decade on the liberalization of procedure of registration of political parties. In this regard a number of sociopolitical movements demand to make amendments in the electoral legislation, aimed at the consolidation of political forces or parties with similar policy.

The Effect of Political Parties on Nationwide Referendums in Poland after 1989

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 733-754
Author(s):  
Maciej Hartliński
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

This article is part of the special cluster titled Political Parties and Direct Democracy in Eastern Europe, guest-edited by Sergiu Gherghina. The article is the first attempt to describe and compare five nationwide referendums in Poland after 1989 as tools of direct democracy exploited by political parties. The article makes two primary contributions to the literature. The explanation focuses on the circumstances as well as the two main motives of the referendum initiators, that is, to cause trouble for political opponents and strengthen one’s own position by legitimising one’s own proposals concerning the political system and foreign policy directions. Moreover, the article discusses six methods employed by political parties to use the institution of nationwide referendum for their own political purposes. Interestingly, the Polish example shows that nationwide referendums have twofold effects for their initiators. On the one hand, they allow political parties to effectively realise the aims behind the initiated referendum. On the other hand, both political parties (1996, 1997, 2003) and presidents (1996 and 2015) sustained defeats in the next parliamentary or presidential elections.

scholarly journals Constitutional restructuring of Bosnia-Herzegovina: Initiatives and possibilities

2004 ◽  
Vol 56 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 305-321
Author(s):  
Dragan Djukanovic
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Specific Activities ◽  
The One ◽  
Dayton Agreement ◽  
Constitutional Construction ◽  
Made In

The revision of the Dayton agreement implies only the restructuring of the Annex 4 of the Constitution of Bosnia-Herzegovina or actually the present constitutional construction and territorial composition of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The unfavourable economic and political situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina shows that the achievements resulting from the implementation of the Dayton agreement have been modest so far. The author substantiates this by presenting the data on a very small number of persons who managed to achieve their right to repatriation to their pre-war homes (in the 1995-2003 period). In addition, he notices that many changes of the Dayton agreement have already been made in the last seven years since it has been implemented, presenting the specific activities and decisions taken by the High Representative in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In the period after signing of the Dayton agreement there were several different ideas on the future of Bosnia-Herzegovina - to be established as a centralist state, as a decentralised country, as the one organised in cantons keeping up the two-entity structure at the same time. Therefore, the political parties in BH took different positions regarding the necessity to change some constitutional solutions. The Boshniak, Croatian and civil political parties are pleading for restructuring of the constitutional solutions in the form they are provided for by the Dayton agreement. On the other hand, the Serb political parties speak in favour of keeping up the existing constitutional construction. As the author assesses the new initiatives for constitutional reconstruction of Bosnia-Herzegovina are based on the proposals for decentralisation, regionalisation and (finishing of) cantonisation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as abrogation of entities. Analysing the positions of the leading factors of the international community the author points out that they have not reached consensus on the initiative for restructuring of the existing constitution of Bosnia-Herzegovina. On the contrary, the leading factors of the international community mostly emphasise that citizens/peoples of BH should be the ones to decide on the constitutional construction of their country. The author concludes that it would be unrealistic to expect that the minimum of social and national consensus would be reached on the constitutional restructuring of Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as on holding of the new international conference (Dayton II). As the author says it seems most realistic that the representatives of the international community will change some of its provisions in the field while implementing the Dayton agreement.

Machine Politics and Democracy: The Deinstitutionalization of the Argentine Party System

2008 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerardo Scherlis
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Strategic Flexibility ◽  
Democratic Representation ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
The One

AbstractThis article contends that intra-party dynamics based on particularistic exchanges constitute a double-edged sword for a political system. On the one hand, they provide party leaders with strategic flexibility, which can be essential for their party stability and for the governability of the political system. On the other hand, in permitting office holders to switch policies whenever they consider fit, these dynamics render governments unpredictable and unaccountable in partisan terms, thus debasing the quality of democratic representation. The hypothesis is illustrated by recent Argentine political development.

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