scholarly journals Airbrushing history: With China’s Communist Party still in power, the way 1917 is remembered must follow the party line. One man learnt the hard way

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-45
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Wasserstrom ◽  
Yidi Wu
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Party Line ◽  
The Way

scholarly journals From 'Politics in Command' to 'Economics in Command': A Discourse Analysis of China's Transformation

2005 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 65-87
Author(s):  
Li Xing
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Driving Force ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Discourse Theory ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Chinese Revolution ◽  
Political Project ◽  
The Way

This article proposes a framework for understanding the way the Chinese Revolution emerged, developed and achieved power (1921-49), then further consolidated in the period of socialist 'uninterrupted revolution' (1949-77) and was finally abandoned by the post-Mao regime (1977 to the present). This analysis is based on a perspective of discourse theories framed in historically new forms of political, social and ideological relations. In other words, it attempts to conceptualize the transformation of China and the Chinese Communist Party by analysing the role of ideological discourses (arguments and interpretations) and the cognitive elements (beliefs, goals, desires, expertise, knowledge) as the driving-force behind societal transformations. The discourse theory applied here – logocentrism and econocentrism – also serves both as a political arena of struggle to confer legitimacy on a specific socio-political project and as a distinctive cog ni tive and evaluative framework for understanding societal transformations. The conceptualization of the paper is informed by the work of David Apter and Tony Saich on discourse theory.

The Communist Party and Peasant Mobilization, c.1932–48

2020 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Neil Macmaster
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Class A ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Primary Base ◽  
French Communist Party ◽  
Guerrilla Movement ◽  
The Way

The Algerian Communist Party (PCA) played a particularly important role in the anti-colonial movement in the Chelif region, a prominence that explains why it was chosen as the primary base for the ‘Red Maquis’ guerrilla force in 1956. Chapter 7 looks at the way in which the PCA, dominated by the French Communist Party, initially opposed nationalism and followed the orthodox Marxist doctrine that the peasantry could not constitute a revolutionary class, a vanguard role that could only be assumed by an industrial or urban proletariat. In the Chelif region the veteran communist and trade union leader Mohamed Marouf reflected this position and focused propaganda work on the farm labourers of the plain while neglecting the mountain peasants that were seen as a form of seasonal, blackleg labour. However, from 1932 onwards a minority movement began to emerge in the PCA that was favourable to a peasant-based strategy, and in 1944 this led to the creation of the Syndicat des petits cultivateurs (SPC). The peasant-based movement that developed in the Aurès, Tlemçen, and Chelif mountains during the late 1940s and prepared the ground for a later guerrilla movement.

High Tide on the High Plateau

2020 ◽  
pp. 121-145
Author(s):  
Benno Weiner
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
High Tide ◽  
Class Analysis ◽  
High Plateau ◽  
United Front ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Sudden Introduction ◽  
The Way

This chapter explores the period from summer 1955 to summer 1956, a year that saw the sudden introduction of class analysis and protocollectivization into Amdo's grasslands. Spurred by the nationwide “High Tide of Socialist Transformation,” which sought to collectivize agriculture at a sudden and startling pace, in fall of 1955, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) organized “intensive investigations” into Amdo's pastoral society, efforts meant to pave the way for the staged introduction of pastoral cooperatives. By early 1956, Qinghai's leadership had made cooperativization (hezuohua) the year's core task in pastoral areas. Under these circumstances, the underpinnings of the United Front came under pressure as socialism itself was declared the means to achieve nationality unity and economic development. With revolutionary impatience threatening to overwhelm United Front pragmatism, the rhetoric used to describe Tibetan elites began to shift as well. Rather than covictims of nationality exploitation, headmen and monastic leaders were increasingly transformed into representatives of the pastoral exploiting class.

Gramsci undisabled

Modern Italy ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 345-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Forgacs
Keyword(s):  
Short Stature ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Spinal Tuberculosis ◽  
Striking Difference ◽  
Antonio Gramsci ◽  
Communist Movement ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Way

Most books by or about Antonio Gramsci reproduce on their covers the same studio photograph dating from the early 1920s. It is a head and shoulders portrait showing Gramsci with longish hair, dark coat buttoned at the neck, unsmiling and looking into the camera through wire-rimmed glasses. This was also the image of him most commonly displayed in Communist Party branches all over Italy from the late 1940s to 1991. Yet if we compare it with other extant photographs of Gramsci, as well as with those of other revolutionary leaders adopted as iconic in the communist movement, we can see it differs from the former and resembles the latter in several ways. The most striking difference is the erasure of any sign of Gramsci’s bodily impairment: the curvature of the spine and short stature resulting from the spinal tuberculosis he had as a child. The article examines the history of this photograph and the way it became adopted as the approved image of Gramsci and considers what was at stake in removing from official memory a condition of disability that was central to his own personal and political identity.

The Economy, 1949–1978

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwight H. Perkins
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Government Procurement ◽  
Chinese Economy ◽  
Published Data ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
Command Economy ◽  
Party Line ◽  
The Government

The Chinese economy during the first three decades of rule by the Chinese Communist Party was organized in a fundamentally different way from that of market economies in much of the rest of the world and from what the Chinese economy became in the 21st century after three decades of market-oriented economic reform. Beginning in the mid-1950s, China introduced a centrally planned command economy patterned on that of the Soviet Union. This economic system involved the abolition of household agriculture in favor of collectives, first called “agricultural producer cooperatives” and, later, “Rural People’s Communes.” Industrial inputs and outputs were allocated by administrative means in accordance with a plan developed by the State Planning Commission, and market forces were largely eliminated in industry and large-scale commerce. Wages were set, and skilled workers were allocated to jobs by the government rather than by a labor market. Even many consumer goods were rationed, although some were allocated to households through the market; prices paid to farmers also played a limited role in government procurement of agricultural products. This highly centralized nonmarket, Soviet-type system, however, was introduced into the very different context of a developing country that was extremely poor. From the beginning, China’s leadership and that of Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong, in particular, explored alternatives to these rigid central controls. The result of these explorations more often than not was economic disaster, leading to the 1959–1961 famine in which roughly thirty million people are believed to have died. The government and the leadership also pursued political goals, notably during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), that disrupted the economy and slowed economic growth. Economic studies during this period thus focused on how the economy was organized, how it made the transition from a market economy to a nonmarket command economy, and how the institutions and performance of this command economy performed in various periods. Describing the institutions was easier than measuring performance because, from 1958 to 1960, China published data that grossly exaggerated China’s economic performance. After 1960, given the reality of famine and a poorly performing economy more generally, the government simply stopped publishing statistical data on economic performance. Many analysts outside China thus had to piece together the data that did leak out, and much of their work managed to capture what was happening. The publication of increasing amounts of official data, beginning in 1979, filled in some of the gaps in the earlier literature. Most Chinese economists from 1949 through 1978 were expected to follow the government/party line at the time in anything they published; however, there were exceptions in which individual economists and officials stated views on economic matters that did not reflect the dominant government/party line.

The Communist Party of Cyprus, the Comintern and the uprising of 1931: thoughts on the 'apologia' of Charalambos Vatyliotis (Vatis)

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (16) ◽  
pp. 103-124
Author(s):  
Manolis Choumerianos ◽  
Spyros Sakellaropoulos
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
British Colonialism ◽  
Primary Material ◽  
The Way

Drawing on primary material from the Soviet archives, this article considers the attitude of the Communist Party of Cyprus (CPC) to the failed revolt of 1931 against British colonialism. The CPC's contradictions and shortcomings are exposed through outlining the course of the revolt, along with a presentation of the Comintern's position on these events. The argument put forward is that there were a number of more general problems facing the Comintern at this time that paved the way for the CPC's pursuit of this specific contradictory line. Among these general problems were the failure to achieve a further revolutionary breakthrough in Europe, the rise of fascism and the characteristics of the anti-colonial struggles of that time.

scholarly journals The Way to Understand the Nature and Extent of Judicial Independence in China

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (01) ◽  
pp. 131-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yanrong ZHAO
Keyword(s):  
Literature Review ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
Strategic Interaction ◽  
Judicial Discretion ◽  
Contested Meanings ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Interaction Approach ◽  
The Way

AbstractIn order to portray the true extent of judicial independence in China’s judicial practices, this article first clarifies the contested meanings of “judicial independence” within Chinese judicial circles and provides a detailed literature review of the main school of thoughts on the extent of judicial independence in China. In contrast to the existing literature—most of which sees judicial independence in China as stagnant—this thesis suggests employing the strategic interaction approach to study the development of impartial adjudication in China and argues that the extent of adjudicative independence is evolving with the amount of judicial discretion afforded by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to judges.

scholarly journals Metaphoric Recurrences of Dreamlike Imagery in M. Khvylovy’s “My Self (Romantica)” and N. Gogol’s “Diary of a Madman”

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daria Polianska
Keyword(s):  
Mental Disorders ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Time Change ◽  
States Of Mind ◽  
Abstract Concepts ◽  
Imperial Russia ◽  
Societal Norms ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Party Ideology ◽  
The Way

Delusional states such as madness and hallucination are traditionally viewed as mental disorders characterized by a chaotic activity or as an experience in which something is perceived as true but is not real. In a literary discourse, madness and hallucination can be viewed as analogous to metaphoric perception of reality. Primarily, due to the fact that the way protagonists think and see things shifts from accepted societal norms to unaccountable patterns of behavior.In this article I approach madness and hallucination as dreamlike states of mind and follow George Lakoff’s belief that everyday abstract concepts like time, change, causation, and purpose appear to be metaphorical (1). From this point, I explore the narrative of madness and hallucination through the metaphoric recurrences of dreamlike imagery in Nikolai Gogol’s “Diary of a Madman” and Mykola Khvylovy’s “My Self (Romantica).”I suggest that both stories present situations of crisis, in which the characters appear on the edge of mental breakdown and thus experience the dreamlike states. Symbolically, the recurrent images that appear in the stories are connected to the idea of nationhood and social pressures within imperial Russia (1835) in “Diary of a Madman” and to the Communist Party ideology during its early rule in Ukraine (approximately 1920s-1930s) in “Myself (Romantica).” Therefore, by depicting the progression of their protagonists’ mental disorders, the writers reveal the truth about social and political struggles of their times

Polarization, Gridlock, and Presidential Campaign Politics in 2016

2016 ◽  
Vol 667 (1) ◽  
pp. 226-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary C. Jacobson
Keyword(s):  
Social Values ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Presidential Campaign ◽  
Divided Government ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Party Line ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
The Way

The American electorate has grown increasingly divided along party lines in recent decades, by political attitudes, social values, basic demography, and even beliefs about reality. Deepening partisan divisions have inspired high levels of party-line voting and low levels of ticket splitting, resulting in thoroughly nationalized, president- and party-centered federal elections. Because of the way the electoral system aggregates votes, however, historically high levels of electoral coherence have delivered incoherent, divided government and policy stalemate. The 2016 nomination campaigns have exposed deep fissures within as well as between the parties, and their results threaten to shake up electoral patterns that have prevailed so far during this century, with uncertain and perhaps unpredictable consequences for national politics. The 2016 election is certain to polarize the electorate, but the axis of polarization may not fall so neatly along party lines as it has in recent years.

Terrorism and the Decline of Italian Communism: Domestic and International Dimensions

2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-116
Author(s):  
Richard Drake
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Communist Revolution ◽  
Extremist Groups ◽  
The Way

This essay looks at two recent Italian books about the evolution of the Italian Communist Party (PCI). Drawing on archival materials, the books trace the conflict between the radicals and the reformers within the PCI's ranks, a conflict that gave way to violent splinter groups that regarded the PCI as too staid and conciliatory. As the far left took a violent turn in Italy in the late 1960s, it paved the way for the spasm of grisly far-left and far-right terrorism in Italy in the 1970s and early 1980s. The books lend weight to the view that the PCI, through its exaltation of Communist revolution and its demonization of the Christian Democratic establishment, facilitated the emergence of extremist groups that perpetrated more than 8,400 terrorist attacks in the latter half of the 1970s.

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