Protecting civilians in civil war

2013 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Kaplan

Can local organizations give civilians the capacity to protect themselves from civil war violence? Civilians have traditionally been considered powerless when facing armed groups but new research suggests organized communities may promote security through nonviolent strategies such as resolving disputes between neighbors and managing relations with macro-armed actors. This article analyzes whether and how these ‘mechanisms’ designed to retain community autonomy functioned in the community-case of the Peasant Worker Association of the Carare River (ATCC) in Colombia. The Carare civilians developed a local institutional process to investigate threats against suspected armed group collaborators to clarify the ‘fog of war’ and reform civilian preferences to participate in the conflict. This process is evaluated in reference to existing hypotheses about violence in civil wars such as the balance of territorial control using qualitative evidence from original field research. A unique within-case database created through focus group sessions with community ‘conciliators’ is used to analyze not only acts of violence, but also threats that were defused. Despite the prevalence of conditions that would predict persistent violence against civilians, the local institution itself proved to be a critical factor for both explaining and limiting levels of violence. The results suggest civilian choices and their consequences did not merely result from the capabilities or choices of armed actors.

2015 ◽  
Vol 61 (5) ◽  
pp. 1021-1045 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Keels

New research has emerged that suggests there is a troubling relationship between elections and civil wars; primarily, elections increase the risk of civil war recurrence. I investigate this relationship further by examining the economic factors associated with the connection between postwar elections and peace failure. Specifically, how does the presence of oil wealth impact the risk posed by postwar elections. Drawing on previous findings in the democratization literature, I suggest the immobility of oil wealth dramatically increases the stakes associated with postwar elections. As postwar elites use irregular electioneering to consolidate their control of oil revenue, it increases the incentives for postwar opposition to use violence as a means to achieve their objectives. Using post-civil war data from 1945 to 2005, I demonstrate that postwar elections that occur in oil-rich economies dramatically decrease the durability of postwar peace. Once controlling for petro elections, though, I demonstrate that subsequent postwar elections actually increase the durability of postwar peace.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 209-230
Author(s):  
Magdalena Ickiewicz‑Sawicka

Artykuł dotyczy szeregu wybranych antagonistycznych konsekwencji ostatnich jugosłowiańskich wojen domowych (wojny serbsko‑chorwackiej, wojny w Bośni oraz wojny o Kosowo). Tekst jest pokłosiem badań terenowych przeprowadzonych w latach 2014 (badania pilotażowe) – 2019 (badania właściwe) na terytorium Serbii i Czarnogóry. Ich celem było ukazanie materialnych i niematerialnych (psychicznych i psychologicznych) skutków wojny domowej w postaci różnego rodzaju negatywnych doświadczeń: traumatycznych przeżyć (występowanie syndromu PTSD) oraz strat materialnych (ekonomicznych). Celem pracy jest zobrazowanie skomplikowanych relacji i zjawisk z perspektywy Serbów i Czarnogórców, którzy niewątpliwie ucierpieli w trakcie trwania ostatnich konfliktów w krajach Bałkanów Zachodnich. Rzecz jasna, nie jest to kompleksowa analiza, ale jedynie drobny wycinek tej zawiłej, trudnej i nade wszystko bolesnej postwojennej i postjugosłowiańskiej rzeczywistości wielkich mocarstw, uwikłanych w międzynarodową, bezduszną politykę, i bałkańskich mieszkańców południowej Europy. „Landscape after battle” – selected negative (criminological) consequences of the recent conflict in the Western Balkans. Field research report The article deals with the selected antagonistic consequences of the recent Yugoslav civil wars (the Serbo‑Croatian civil war, the civil war in Bosnia and the war for Kosovo). The text is the result of field studies carried out in 2014 (pilot studies) – 2019 (specific studies) in Serbia and Montenegro. The main topic showed the material and immaterial (psychological and psychological) effects of the civil war in the form of various negative experiences: traumatic experiences (occurrence of the PTSD syndrome) and material (economic) losses. The aim of the study illustrated the complex relations and phenomena from the perspective of Serbs and Montenegrins, who undoubtedly suffered during the last conflicts in the Western Balkan countries. Obviously, this is not a comprehensive analysis, but only a small fragment of this intricate, difficult and above all painful post‑war and post‑Yugoslav reality of the great powers, entangled in international, soulless international politics, and the Balkan inhabitants of southern Europe.


2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vanessa Joan Gray

AbstractThe article synthesizes contributions from the recent comparative research on civil war and the case-specific literature on Colombia to argue that too often, commentators on this conflict overlook some of its key dimensions. A comprehensive analysis shows that no fewer than six factors are fueling violent conflict in Colombia: economic forces, state weakness, landscape, U.S. policies, long-duration and spin-off violence, and malicious opportunism by non-combatants. The first three are the ones that matter most. The case made here is that when analysts disregard the range and interrelatedness of the factors involved, the result is a distortion of reality and a tendency to support policies that will not enhance the prospects for peace.


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.


Author(s):  
Lesley-Ann Daniels

Abstract Governments grant amnesties to rebel groups during civil wars and this is a puzzle. Why would the government offer an amnesty, which can be interpreted as a signal of weakness? In certain circumstances, offering amnesty is a rational policy choice. Governments should give amnesties when they are winning: the risk of misinterpreted signals is lessened, costs are low, rebel groups are weakened, and so amnesty can be used instrumentally to encourage defection or division among foot soldiers or as an incentive to leaders. Therefore, the government capitalizes on its military advantage and offers amnesty in a “stick then carrot” tactic. Using a database of amnesties during conflicts from 1990 to 2011, the article shows that governments are more likely to give amnesties following high rebel deaths. The use of amnesty during conflict is nuanced and context is important when understanding strategic choices.


2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renata Piwowarczyk

Abstract Orobanche coerulescens has a Eurasian distribution. The species is classified as extinct at most of its localities at the western limit of its range. Its populations are very scarce and critically endangered in Central Europe. This work presents the current distribution of O.coerulescens in Poland, based on a critical revision of herbarium and literature data as well as results of original field research, and reviews its distribution in Central Europe (partly in Eastern Europe). Habitats, plant communities, and migration routes of O.coerulescens in Central Europe are discussed. The species was initially known in Poland from now historical localities in Pomerania and the valley of the lower Vistula. In 2000-2011 it was recorded at 9 localities in Podlasie, the Małopolska Upland (Wyżyna Małopolska), and the Łódź Hills (Wzniesienia Łódzkie). Its abundance at the localities ranged from a few to over 1000 shoots. These are the largest populations of O.coerulescens at its western and north-western range limits.


Author(s):  
Амир Александрович Хисамутдинов ◽  
Виктор Нуриевич Незамутдинов

Статья посвящена работе русских исследователей по изучению традиционной культуры Китая, которое началось в Пекинской духовной миссии и российском посольстве в Пекине и было продолжено русскими эмигрантами, оказавшимися в Китае в ходе Гражданской войны в России и после нее. Большой вклад в изучение этнографии Китая внес Иван Серебренников. Особенно важной является его работа, основанная на полевых исследованиях и интервью, об албазинцах, потомках русских первопроходцев. Очень многое в изучении Китая сделали русские дипломаты, служившие в российском посольстве в Пекине: Иван Коростовец, Яков Бранд, Николай Колесов и др. Этнографическими исследованиями в Китае, связанными часто с педагогической деятельностью, занимались и эмигранты из России: Сергей Широкогоров, Иван Гапанович, Сергей Полевой и др. Их многолетнее погружение в китайский язык и культуру создало благоприятные условия для исследований и принесло результаты в виде научных трудов, которые востребованы и сегодня. Они оказали влияние и на китайских деятелей науки и культуры, знакомя их с русскими методами исследований. К сожалению, до сего дня сохранилось не так много публикаций о традиционной культуре Китая, изданных на русском языке. Большое количество работ осталось в рукописях, которые хранятся в зарубежных собраниях, что делает их труднодоступными для российских исследователей. Основанная на материалах, выявленных в иностранных архивах и библиотеках, данная статья сообщает ранее неизвестные факты об изучении этнографии Китая русскими. This article is devoted to the work of Russian researchers on the traditional culture of China which began at the Beijing Theological Mission and the Russian Embassy in Beijing and was continued by Russian émigrés who ended up in China during and after the Civil War in Russia. Ivan Serebrennikov was one who made a great contribution to the study of the ethnography of China. Especially important is his work about the Albazinians, descendants of Russian pioneers, which was based on field research and interviews. Russian diplomats who served at the Russian Embassy in Beijing - Ivan Korostovets, Yakov Brand, Nikolai Kolesov and others - did a lot of research on China. Émigrés from Russia, often associated with pedagogical activity, also engaged in ethnographic rearch in China. These included: Sergei Shirokogorov, Ivan Gapanovich, Sergei Polevoy and others. They influenced Chinese cultural scientists, introducing them to Russian research methods. Their many years of immersion in Chinese language and culture produced valuable research that is still in demand today. Unfortunately, to this day there are not many works about the traditional culture of China published in Russian. A large number of works have remained in manuscript and are kept in foreign collections, which makes them difficult for Russian researchers to access. Based on material collected from foreign archives and libraries, this article reports on previously unknown material concerning the study of Chinese ethnography by Russians.


Daedalus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 146 (4) ◽  
pp. 59-70
Author(s):  
Martha Crenshaw

When rebels also employ terrorism, civil wars can become more intractable. Since the 1980s, jihadism, a form of violent transnational activism, has mobilized civil war rebels, outside entrepreneurs, foreign fighters, and organizers of transnational as well as domestic terrorism. These activities are integral to the jihadist trend, representing overlapping and conjoined strands of the same ideological current, which in turn reflects internal division and dissatisfaction within the Arab world and within Islam. Jihadism, however, is neither unitary nor monolithic. It contains competing power centers and divergent ideological orthodoxies. Different jihadist actors emphasize different priorities and strategies. They disagree, for example, on whether the “near” or the “far” enemy should take precedence. The relationship between jihadist terrorism and civil war is far from uniform or constant. This essay traces the trajectory of this evolution, beginning in the 1980s in the context of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.


1994 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. M. C. Green

It is the argument of this paper that many aspects of Lucan's characterization in the Bellum Civile of Caesar and Pompey, and of the conflict itself, reflect a ritual combat for kingship such as the combat and murder codified in the myth of Romulus and Remus. It was a well-established convention by Ennius's time, further developed in the late Republic, that the conflict between the founding brothers over control of Rome was the ultimate cause for the Civil Wars. The religious (and possibly the historical) basis of this myth can be found in the rites of the priest of Diana at Aricia, the rex nemorensis, which were still extant in Lucan's time. The evidence for Lucan's use of this paradigm is reviewed, and Book 3 of the Bellum Civile is then reassessed in the terms that it suggests. The themes of sacred place (especially the sacred grove), scared combat, and the necessary murder are most clearly presented in Book 3. It is further argued that seeming inconsistencies in the nature of the gods in Lucan's epic can be at least partially resolved if we understand that the gods must remain aloof and outside the action while the ritual takes place, even though they themselves have instituted the ritual of kingship murder, and will, when it is completed, receive the murderer as their ritually validated priest-king. In the conclusion, ways are suggested in which this paradigm, if accepted, begins to clarify various puzzling choices Lucan has made elsewhere in the epic regarding his narrative of events, his development of character, and the recurrent images of lightning, tree, and blood-sacrifice owed to the gods.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document