The Future of the Ottoman Empire

Author(s):  
Henry W. Jessup
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 74-87
Author(s):  
A. Gasparyan ◽  
G. Gazazyan

Արդի ժամանակաշրջանում խիստ կարևորվում է հայ-քրդական հարաբերությունների ուսումնասիրման անհրաժեշտությունըֈ Հայերը և քրդերը դարեր շարունակ ապրել են կողք կողքի և շփվել որպես հարևան ժողովուրդներ: Այդ առնչությունները եղել են տարաբնույթ՝ իրենց մեջ ներառելով ինչպես քաղաքական, այնպես էլ տնտեսական ոլորտները: Բարդ ու հակասական է եղել հայ և քուրդ ժողովուրդների անցած պատմական ուղին: XIX դարի վերջին և XX դարի սկզբին քրդական շարժումները, որոնք թեև առանձին վայրերում հանդես եկան հայկական շարժումների հետ միահյուսված, այնուամենայնիվ չհանգեցրին հայ ազգային-ազատագրական շարժման հետ ձուլվելուն: Այս բոլորով հանդերձ՝ պատմության տրամաբանությունը հուշում է, որ քուրդ ժողովուրդը վաղ թե ուշ ստեղծելու է իր սեփական ազգային պետությունը: Հետևաբար տեսանելի կամ հեռավոր ապագայում հայ ու քուրդ ժողովուրդների ճակատագրերը, որպես տարածաշրջանային անմիջական հարևաններ, կրկին անխուսափելիորեն բախվելու են: Քրդական գործոնի դերը մասնավորապես Հայկական հարցում ունեցավ խիստ բացասական հետևանքներ: Այս գործոնը տիպաբանորեն պատկանում է Հայոց ցեղասպանության իրականացման առանցքային հարցերին: Հետևաբար քրդերի հակահայկական գործողությունները համարվում են Օսմանյան կայսրության քաղաքականությունից բխող հետևանք: / In modern times there is a necessity to study the history of relations between Armenians and Kurds.Armenians and Kurds have lived side by side for many centuries and they have communicated as neighbor countries. The communication has been of various types, including both political and economic spheres. Meanwhile, the historic destiny of these two neighbor countries was complex and contradictory. At the end of IX and at the beginning of XX centuries Kurdish movements co-acted with Armenian forces in some places, nevertheless they did not contribute to the formation of alliance. Nonetheless, the historical logics prompts that sooner or later the Kurdish people will have their own national country. Thus, in the future, the destinies of two neighbor countries will unavoidably collide. The Kurdish factor had a negative influence especially in the Armenian question. This factor typologically belongs to the main questions of realizing Armenian genocide. Consequently, the anti-Armenian actions done by Kurds are observed as the result of the policy of The Ottoman Empire.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 97-122
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Popek

Modern Greek statehood began to take shape with the War of Independence that broke out in 1821 and continued with varying intensity for the next years. As a result of these events, the Greeks cast of the foreign rule, which for many not only meant separation from the Ottoman Empire, but also the expulsion of Muslims living in these lands. During the uprising, about 25 000 Muslims lost their lives, and a similar number emigrated from the territory of the future Greek state. The next great exodus of Muslims from Greek lands was related to the annexation of Thessaly by the Hellenic Kingdom, which was to a larger extent spread over time. Since the region was incorporated into Greece until the beginning of the 20th century, the 40 000-strong Islamic community had virtually disappeared.


Author(s):  
Peter Sluglett

Gertrude Bell was the only senior member of the Mesopotamian Administration to have had any significant experience of the Ottoman Empire before the First World War. Percy Cox had spent most of his career in Persia and the Gulf before coming to Iraq. Arnold Wilson had spent his career in India, south-west Persia and the Gulf. Reader Bullard is probably the only exception, as he had served in Constantinople, Trebizond and Erzurum between 1907 and 1914, after which he was posted to the consulate in Basra and subsequently to Baghdad and Kirkuk. In contrast, Gertrude Bell had made extensive visits to various parts of the region, beginning with a visit to Iran in 1892. She spent 1899–1900 in Palestine and Syria, and also travelled elsewhere in the region, as described in Syria: The Desert and the Sown (1907) and From Amurath to Amurath (1911). The chapter discusses what Bell wrote about the Ottoman Empire, both in these books and in her letters, and the extent to which her views of its politics and administration may have influenced her thoughts on the future administration and structure of Iraq.


Author(s):  
Alexander Bitis

This chapter, on public opinion, charts the growth and spread of nationalist sentiment in educated society during the Turkish war. It reveals the tension between the popular demand for unilateral, expansionist action and the conservative official tsarist policy which aimed at the conservation of the Ottoman Empire. It shows that official coverage of the 1828–9 war turned this conflict into the Russian Empire's first ‘media war’, and gave rise to the idea that popular nationalist sentiment might be harnessed as a means of ensuring the future stability of the regime. The discussion also considers the origins of the Third Section; the quest for social stability in 1826–9; the Cult of Nicholas; and public opinion during the 1829 campaign.


Slavic Review ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence P. Meriage

Throughout the nineteenth century a major international issue facing the Great Powers of Europe was the volatile “Eastern Question.” As the Ottoman Empire grew steadily weaker, the question of the future disposition of its extensive territories (some 238,000 square miles in Europe alone in 1800) provoked an intense and prolonged rivalry among those European states with vested political and economic interests in the Near East. With its military power in decline and its frontiers menaced by powerful neighbors, the Ottoman Empire seemed on the verge of collapse at the beginning of the nineteenth century despite its imposing imperial edifice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (51) ◽  

The Ottoman Empire had to withdraw from the war by signing the Armistice of Mudros at the end of the First World War. As a result of this armistice, which contains very hars conditions, the Entente States occupied many parts of the empire and began to deploy the Ottoman army. After that, discussions started among the Entente States about the peace treaty with the Ottoman Empire. The most imported issues in the peace negotiations process were the debate on the future of the Straits and whether Istanbul should be left to the Turks. While this issue was discussed among the Entente States at the Paris Peace Conference, it also occupied the agenda in Parliament of Great Britain. This article will analyze the decision of the British Government about the future of Istanbul and the Straits regime and the session held in Parliament of Great Britain to evaluate this decision. Keywords: the Ottoman Empire, the First World War, Great Britain, Istanbul


Author(s):  
Ivan Stojanov

On the eve of the Constantinople Conference in 1876, two projects of the future Bulgarian statehood were developed in Russia. The first of them, which, as directed by Count N. P. Ignatiev was composed by the Russian diplomat A. N. Tseretelev and Secretary of the US dip-lomatic mission, E. Schuyler, provided for the separation of Bulgaria as an autonomous province of the Ottoman Empire. According to the second, developed by N. P. Ignatiev, Bulgaria received administrative autonomy, but the territory was divided into two provinces.


2018 ◽  
pp. 172-219
Author(s):  
Dmitry Shumsky

This chapter concentrates on the first Israeli prime minister, David Ben-Gurion (1886–1973), and traces the continuum of his positions about the issue of Jewish national self-determination from before World War I until after the Holocaust. Before World War I, Ben-Gurion wholeheartedly supported the continued existence of the Ottoman Empire on the basis of a revised multinational blueprint that was based on his own assessment of “what is good for the Jewish people.” Furthermore, Ben-Gurion copied the idea of “decentralization” from the Ottoman context and made it a part of his vision for the future character of the Jewish state in Palestine as supported by him throughout most of the Mandate period.


Itinerario ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafael Herzstein

The origin of the Saint-Joseph University of Beirut, or USJ, dates back to the Seminar of Ghazir founded by the Jesuit Fathers in 1843. The College of Ghazir, established with the intention of training the local Maronite clergy, was transferred to Beirut in 1875. This centre for higher studies was named Saint-Joseph University. In his audience of 25 February 1881, Pope Leo XIII conferred the title of Pontifical University on the USJ.This article deals with the history of the USJ, the first great French-speaking Jesuit institution in the area which, at the time, bore the name of “Syria”. (The term Syria is used henceforth to represent the geographical entity of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which includes Syria and Lebanon of the present.) The underlying reasons for the creation of Saint-Joseph University of Beirut have to do with its being located in a province of the Ottoman Empire coveted by the future mandatory power, France. By the 1870s, the Ottoman Empire was being preserved chiefly by the competition between the European powers, all of whom wanted chunks of it. The Ottoman territory, like the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, encompassed a great many ethnic groups whose own nationalism was also stirring. Under Ottoman rule, the region of the Levant developed economic and religious ties with Europe. Open to the West, it became a hotbed of political strife between various foreign nations including France, Russia and Britain. These powerful countries assumed the protection of certain ethnic and religious groups, with France supporting the Christian Maronites and Britain supporting the Druzes.


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