scholarly journals Globalna ekumena popnacjonalizmu

2015 ◽  
pp. 51-65
Author(s):  
Wojciech Józef Burszta

Global ecumene of pop nationalismThe aim of the article is to examine the contemporary phenomenon of pop nationalism, understood as a special form of ethno-nationalist emotions and attitudes which are clearly visible in the realm of sports competition. The author points to paradoxes hiding behind the globalization, professionalization and market orientation of this domain. The so-called hegemonic disciplines of sports (such as football, hockey, basket ball) are now – despite the cosmopolitan orientation of sports competition – the main source of national identification, seen as unique “wars of nations in a time of peace.” The more global sport is made, the more national identity is emphasized as an indispensable component of the logic of such a competition. In the essay, the author aims to reconstruct ways of creating a similar global ecumene of pop nationalism, as well as to analyze various specific situations and symbolic forms in which people create their own national identities, for example those that accompanied the 2012 UEFA European Football Championship (commonly referred to as Euro 2012), hosted for the first time by Poland and Ukraine.

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susilo Wibisono ◽  
Winnifred Louis ◽  
Jolanda Jetten

Indonesia has seen recent expansions of fundamentalist movements mobilising members in support a change to the current constitution. Against this background, two studies were conducted. In Study 1, we explored the intersection of religious and national identity among Indonesian Muslims quantitatively, and in Study 2, we qualitatively examined religious and national identification among members of moderate and fundamentalist religious organisations. Specifically, Study 1 (N= 178) assessed whether the association of religious and national identity was moderated by religious fundamentalism. Results showed that strength of religious identification was positively associated with strength of national identification for both those high and low in fundamentalism. Using structured interviews and focus group discussions, Study 2 (N =35) examined the way that self-alignment with religious and national groups develops among activists of religious movements in Indonesia. We found that while more fundamentalist activists attached greater importance to their religious identity than to any other identity (e.g., national and ethnic), more moderate activists represented their religious and national identities as more integrated and compatible. We conclude that for Indonesian Muslims higher in religious fundamentalism, religious and national identities appear to be less integrated and this is consequential for the way in which collective agendas are pursued.


2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-91
Author(s):  
W.H. Roobol

For the first time in history, the aspiration to ‘an ever closer union’ between European peoples (not states) was laid down in the Treaty of Rome of 1957. The same idea has now found expression in the preamble to the Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe: ‘Convinced that, while remaining proud of their own national identities and history, the peoples of Europe are determined to transcend their ancient divisions and, united ever more closely, to forge a common destiny’. However, as is usual in politics, the precise meaning of this formula is left unclear. Can pride of national identity and history go together with the forging of a common destiny? Without trying to answer this question, this short article looks at whether (a) European history, (b) the wording of the proposed treaty itself and (c) the international context can give some clues as to where forging a common destiny between the peoples of Europe might lead in a constitutional sense. Will the Union develop into a more or less centralised entity that resembles a state or will it remain the rather loose and open conglomeration of states it presently is?


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 757-779 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elliott Green

The process by which people transfer their allegiance from ethnic to national identities is highly topical yet somewhat opaque. This article argues that one of the key determinants of national identification is membership in a ‘core’ ethnic group, or Staatsvolk, and whether or not that group is in power. It uses the example of Uganda as well as Afrobarometer data to show that, when the core ethnic group is in power (as measured by the ethnic identity of the president), members of this group identify more with the nation, but when this group is out of power members identify more with their ethnic group. This finding has important implications for the study of nationalism, ethnicity and African politics.


Author(s):  
Άννα Μαντόγλου

The present study aims at exploring the role of age, gender, intra-national identification and political positioning in the recollection of the representational voluntary (=memory) and involuntary (=oblivion) historical-national past of Greece in conditions of pride, trauma and shame. In this experimental field study participated 254 men and women of different ages, who, after having read a text of a concise presentation of the Greek past -cutting off events either of pride, or of trauma and shame- noted three events that they wish to remember and three events that they wish to forget for ever from the Greek history. The interesting finding of the present study is associated with the emergence of four voluntary and involuntary organizing principles of thought about the historical past of Greece: a) a powerful and ruling memory, b) a regal memory of pride, c) a traumatical oblivion and, d) ashameful oblivion. The above ways of thinking are consensus and independent of the age, gender, political positioning and participants’ intra-national identification, as well. Any possible differences in perceiving the historical past concern individual variations rather than national collective concepts. This result is in line with the idea of a superior, urgent or regal national identity, which is constructed against other national identities and strategically «select» -institutionally and communicatively- to remember a positive, glorious, ruling and regal past, which makes ingroup members feel proud, while it decides not to communicate its traumatical (remedy oblivion) and, mainly, the shameful past (wormwood oblivion).


Author(s):  
Nasar Meer

The purpose of this chapter is to locate the discussion about Muslims in Scotland in relation to questions of national identity and multicultural citizenship. While the former has certainly been a prominent feature of public and policy debate, the latter has largely been overshadowed by constitutional questions raised by devolution and the referenda on independence. This means that, while we have undoubtedly progressed since MacEwen (1980) characterised the treatment of ‘race-relations’ in Scotland as a matter either of ‘ignorance or apathy’, the issue of where ethnic, racial and religious minorities rest in the contemporary landscape remains unsettled. One of the core arguments of this chapter is that these issues are all interrelated, and that the present and future status of Muslims in Scotland is tied up with wider debates about the ‘national question’. Hitherto, however, study of national identity in Scotland has often (though not always) been discussed in relation to the national identities of England, Wales and Britain as a whole.


2009 ◽  
Vol 19 (06) ◽  
pp. 1931-1949 ◽  
Author(s):  
QIGUI YANG ◽  
KANGMING ZHANG ◽  
GUANRONG CHEN

In this paper, a modified generalized Lorenz-type system is introduced, which is state-equivalent to a simple and special form, and is parameterized by two parameters useful for chaos turning and system classification. More importantly, based on the parameterized form, two classes of new chaotic attractors are found for the first time in the literature, which are similar but nonequivalent in topological structure. To further understand the complex dynamics of the new system, some basic properties such as Lyapunov exponents, Hopf bifurcations and compound structure of the attractors are analyzed and demonstrated with careful numerical simulations.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7) ◽  
pp. 475
Author(s):  
Francisco Javier Ramón Solans

The objective of this article is to analyse Mexican national pilgrimages to Rome that took place during the pontificate of Leo XIII (1878–1903). These pilgrimages occurred in the context of a global Catholic mobilisation in support of the papacy, during the so-called Roman Question. This paper’s analysis of these pilgrimages draws from historiography about national pilgrimages, as well as studies on Catholic mobilisation in support of the pope in the second half of the nineteenth century. It is fundamentally based on primary sources of an official nature, such as reports and other printed documents produced on the occasion of the pilgrimage. The study’s primary conclusion is that national pilgrimages to Rome had a polysemic character since they brought together various religious and national identities. The pilgrimages contributed simultaneously to reinforcing the link between Catholicism and Mexican national identity and the global dimension of Catholicism and allegiance to the Holy See.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 457-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

“Tell a man today to go and build a state,” Samuel Finer once stated, “and he will try to establish a definite and defensible boundary and compel those who live inside it to obey him.” While at best an oversimplification, Finer's insight illuminates an interesting aspect of state-society relations. Who is it that builds the state? How and where do they establish territorial boundaries, and how are those who live within that territory compelled to obey? Generally speaking, these are the questions that will be addressed here. Of more immediate concern is the fate of peoples located in regions where arbitrary land boundaries fall. Are they made loyal to the state through coercion or by their own compulsions? More importantly, how are their identities shaped by the efforts of the state to differentiate them from their compatriots on the other side of the borders? How is the shift from ethnic to national identities undertaken? A parallel elaboration of the national histories of the populations of Karelia and Moldova will shed light on these questions. The histories of each group are marked by a myriad of attempts to differentiate the identity of each ethnic community from their compatriots beyond the state's borders. The results of such overt, state-initiated efforts to differentiate borderland populations by encouraging a national identity at the expense of the ethnic, has ranged from the mundane to the tragic—from uneventful assimilation to persecution and even genocide. As an illustration of the range of possibilities and processes, I maintain that the tragedies of Karelia and Moldova are not exceptional, but rather are a consequence of their geographical straddling of arbitrary borders, and the need for the state to promote a distinctive national identity for these populations to differentiate them socially from their compatriots beyond the frontier.


Author(s):  
Sutapa Dutta ◽  

Nilanjana Mukherjee’s book looks at construction of space, leading from imaginative to concrete contours, within the context of the British imperial enterprise in India. Fundamental to her argument is that colonial definitions of sovereignty were defined in terms of control over space and not just over people, and hence it was first necessary to map the space and inscribe symbols into it. In the latter half of the eighteenth century, imperialism and colonization were complex phenomena that involved new and imminent strategies of nation building. No other period of British history, as Linda Colley has noted, has seen such a conscious attempt to construct a national state and national identity (Colley 1992). Although the physical occupation of India by the British East India Company could be said to have begun with the battle of Plassey (1757), nevertheless the process of conquest through mediation of symbolic forms indicate the time and manner in which the ‘conquest’ was conscripted


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