scholarly journals „To nie jest kwestia wyboru”. Z Aleksandrem Smolarem rozmawia Konrad Matyjaszek [“It’s not a matter of choice.” Aleksander Smolar interviewed by Konrad Matyjaszek]

Author(s):  
Konrad Matyjaszek

“It’s not a matter of choice.” Aleksander Smolar interviewed by Konrad MatyjaszekKonrad Matyjaszek’s interview with Aleksander Smolar focuses on the contemporary Polish intelligentsia, identified as a social group and a social milieu, and on this group’s self-image produced in relation to antisemitism, understood here both as a set of violence-based public activities and practices, and as an excluding prejudice that constitutes a component of the Polish culture. Aleksander Smolar discusses the history of Aneks, the Polish-language émigré socio-cultural journal, whose editor-in-chief he remained during the entire time of its activity (1973–1990). He talks about the political conditions and forms of pressure directed at the Aneks’s editorial board, composed in majority of persons forced to emigrate from Poland during the antisemitic campaign of March 1968, he also mentions the post-1968 shift of the Polish sphere of culture towards the political right and conservatism, and the rapprochement between the left-wing opposition circles and the organizations associated with the Catholic Church that was initiated in the 1970s. He also recounts reactions to the political changes expressed by his father, Grzegorz Smolar, a communist activist and an activist of the Jewish community in Poland. Afterwards, Smolar discusses the context of creation of his 1986 essay Taboo and innocence [Tabu i niewinność] and analyses the reasons for which the majority of the Polish intelligentsia chose not to undertake cultural critique directed against the antisemitic components of the Polish culture. „To nie jest kwestia wyboru”. Z Aleksandrem Smolarem rozmawia Konrad MatyjaszekPrzedmiotem rozmowy Konrada Matyjaszka z Aleksandrem Smolarem jest obraz własny współczesnej inteligencji polskiej jako grupy społecznej i środowiska, wytwarzany w odniesieniu do antysemityzmu, rozumianego zarówno jako zespół publicznych działań i praktyk przemocowych, jak również jako wykluczające uprzedzenie stanowiące element polskiej kultury. Aleksander Smolar opowiada o historii emigracyjnego czasopisma społeczno-kulturalnego „Aneks”, którego redaktorem naczelnym był przez cały czas istnienia pisma w latach 1973–1990. Mówi o uwarunkowaniach i presji, jakiej poddawana była redakcja „Aneksu”, składająca się w większości z osób zmuszonych do emigracji podczas antysemickiej kampanii Marca 1968 roku; o połączonym z kampanią marcową przesunięciu polskiego obiegu kultury w stronę prawicy i konserwatyzmu; o podjętym w latach siedemdziesiątych zbliżeniu środowisk lewicowej opozycji ze stowarzyszeniami powiązanymi z Kościołem katolickim. Aleksander Smolar relacjonuje reakcje na zachodzące przemiany polityczne, jakie dostrzegał u swojego ojca, działacza komunistycznego i zarazem działacza społeczności żydowskiej w Polsce, Grzegorza Smolara; opowiada też o kontekście powstania eseju swojego autorstwa Tabu i niewinność oraz o przyczynach, dla których przedstawiciele polskiej inteligencji nie decydowali się na pełne podjęcie krytyki antysemickich elementów kultury polskiej.

2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022110203
Author(s):  
Samantha K. Stanley

Those on the political right engage in greater meat consumption and animal exploitation than their left-wing counterparts. Previous research suggests this is because they view vegetarianism as threatening the nation’s dietary customs and economy. Across two studies, I extend this concept of “vegetarianism threat” by showing that it separates into two distinct dimensions of concern: cultural (symbolic) threats and economic (realistic) threats. The resultant multidimensional scale allows a finer grained understanding of the roots of ideology-based threat responses to meat-free movements. Together, results implicate symbolic concerns as the key element of vegetarianism threat contributing to negative attitudes towards meat abstention and its proponents.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 212-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Livingston

Colin Koopman’s Pragmatism as Transition offers an argumentative retelling of the history of American pragmatism in terms of the tradition’s preoccupation with time. Taking time seriously offers a venue for reorienting pragmatism today as a practice of cultural critique. This article examines the political implications third wave pragmatism’s conceptualization of time, practice, and critique. I argue that Koopman’s book opens up possible lines of inquiry into historical practices of critique from William James to James Baldwin that, when followed through to their conclusion, trouble some of the book’s political conclusions. Taking time and practice seriously, as transitionalism invites pragmatists to do, demands pluralizing critique in a way that puts pressure on familiar pragmatist convictions concerning liberalism, progress, and American exceptionalism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-52
Author(s):  
Miroslav Tuđman

The author gives an overview of the history of National Security and the Future (NSF). The first editorial board accepted a clear vision and mission of the NSF. That is why the NSF had to react to the political circumstances in which the journal has operated for 20 years. In the first period, international circumstances and the policy of detuđmanization directly influenced the choice of topics and papers published in the journal. For the past five years, the NSF has paid particular attention to the security of national and European critical infrastructure. A total of 257 texts were published on more than 8,000 pages and authored by 134 authors from 25 countries. The NSF has published studies on historical forgery, information operations, production of "fake news" and contributions to the theory and methodology of intelligence activities.


Author(s):  
Barbara Henry

Francesco De Sanctis was a literary critic and historian of Italian literature. He is best remembered for his major work, Storia della letteratura italiana (History of Italian Literature), and as a Hegel scholar, reformer and professor at the University of Naples, politician and militant patriot. Commentators are unanimous that De Sanctis’s biographical and intellectual life comprised two inseparable strands, the literary and the political. For this reason all his writings, even the more narrowly literary critical ones, must be read from the point of view of his commitment to promoting the moral and institutional renewal of Italian society. His Storia della letteratura italiana is the ‘civil history’ of Italy. De Sanctis, actively militant on both the Right and Left, defined his position as ‘moderate left-wing, in politics as in art’.


Modern Italy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-211
Author(s):  
Nicola D'Elia

The debate surrounding German Social Democracy during the era of the Second International represents an important chapter in the historiography of post-Second World War Italy. At the same time, it also marks some crucial moments in the political and intellectual life of Republican Italy. This article aims to show the close relationship between the investigation of the past and the ongoing political struggle that has characterised research on this issue. Study of the topic was practically monopolised by left-wing historians, who, in dealing with the history of German Social Democracy, aimed also to direct the political strategy of workers’ parties. Considering the studies appearing after the 1956 crisis and in the mid-1970s, such a goal seems evident. It was only during the 1980s that the research opened itself to different perspectives – no longer influenced by ideological controversies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-73
Author(s):  
Steve Hall ◽  
Simon Winlow

Why has the Labour Party in Britain been unable to take advantage of the historic opportunity presented by the global financial crisis to press its case for radical socio-economic reform? Why, despite more than a decade of Tory austerity and genuine signs of social crisis, does it find itself behind in the polls to a Conservative Party openly committed to shrinking the state and providing further tax cuts to the rich? In this short article, we reflect upon the history of the political left in Britain, and suggest that the liberalization of the left ‐ and the long-running marginalization of the working classes, their concerns and their real-world experiences ‐ reveals an underlying antagonism that is driving many voters supportive of interventionist economic policies but suspicious of the left’s cultural agenda into the hands of the political right.


Author(s):  
Raúl Mínguez Blasco

Resumen: El Sexenio Democrático (1868-1874) fue un periodo convulso de la historia contemporánea española en el que la posición estable que la Iglesia española había alcanzado tras el Concordato de 1851 quedó en entredicho. Como consecuencia del proceso de feminización religiosa iniciado en las décadas anteriores, el debate público sobre la religión tuvo un importante componente de género. A pesar de las críticas de revolucionarios y secularistas, algunas mujeres que se presentaron a sí mismas como esposas y madres católicas se opusieron públicamente a las medidas gubernamentales que fueron en contra de los intereses eclesiásticos. Este artículo pretende reflexionar en torno a la agencia o capacidad de acción de las mujeres católicas y analiza la manera en que el antiliberalismo concibió la relación entre la esfera pública y la privada.Palabras clave: Sexenio Democrático, género, religión, secularismo, antiliberalismo, agencia.Abstract: The Sexenio Democrático (1868-1874) was a troubled period of the modern history of Spain in which the stable position achieved by the Catholic Church after the Concordat of 1851 was widely questioned. Due to the feminisation of Catholicism during the previous decades, the public debate about religion had an important gendered component. Despite the criticisms of revolutionaries and secularists, some women who presented themselves as Catholic wives and mothers publicly opposed the Government measures against the Church’s interests. This paper reflects on the capacity of agency of Catholic women and analyses how anti-liberalism conceived the link between the public and the private realm.Keywords: Sexenio Democrático, gender, religion, secularism, anti-liberalism, agency.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 269-277
Author(s):  
Renāte Miseviča-Trilliča

The Polish language at the Latvian University in RigaThe history of teaching of Polish language in the University of Latvia (LU) starts soon after its establishment in 1919. In the 1930s thanks to such famous scientists as Julian Krzyżanowski and Stanisław Kolbuszewski, the number of subjects connected with the Polish culture has increased at the Faculty of Philology and Philosophy and the Latvian society was introduced to the numerous works of these professors, published in different publications in Latvia. After the Second World War, Polish language has been taught within Russian philology with the aim of comparison Eastern and Western Slavic language groups. At the same time scientific works on the state of Polish language of local Poles started to appear. Since the 1990s students of Russian Philology of the LU study Polish language as the foreign language by acquiring not only the structure of it for comparative purposes, but also by acquiring communicative skills. Due to the intensive cooperation with the Polish institutions, exchange programmes and the interest of the students, Polish language as the foreign language occupies a stable place among the courses of Bachelor programme of Russian philology in the LU.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 113-137
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Ostrówka ◽  
Ewa Golachowska

Polish language in the Mohylew region – the past and present (the report on field research)The research in the Mohylew region is a continuation of research concerning the language of Catholics in former North-Eastern Borderland. The work contains an outline of the history of the Mohylew region including the history of the Catholic Church, education and functioning of Polish in this land. Besides Mohylew the following places were visited: Czausy, Faszczówka and Bezczynne where parishes are being revived. Evangelisation is in Belorussian and only in Mohylew one Holy Mass is in Polish every day. Conclusions: The Polish language in the Mohylew region has been functioning since 16th century what is confirmed in Mohylew town chronicles grave inscriptions in local Polish Cemetary. It has also been, excluding Jesuit parishes (Jesuits evangelised in the language of a given nationality, wrote catechisms and grammars) the language of prayers and lithurgy. The result of the progress of russification was that the range of its use narrowed down. The next stage (20’s and 30’s of 20th century) of the fight with the Church and religion led to interrupting passing the Polish language even in those families where it survived throughout former stages. In this way the Polish tradition was interrupted. At present it is very difficult to meet people using the old local Polish language. The Polish with regional features can be heard with those people who came to Mohylew after the World War II. There is also another quality: the language learned at school or courses. The Polish language is generally idiolectally diverse, its shape depends on the degree of fluency in Polish. On the basis of reviving catholicism and the Polish language with numerous young people who discovered their roots there is a process of reconstructing the Polish identity. Польский язык на Могилёвщине – прошлое и современность (отчёт по полевым исследованиям)Полевые исследования на Могилёвщине являются продолжением проводимых авторами исследований языка католиков на бывших северо-восточных рубежах Польши. В статье представлен краткий очерк истории Могилёвщины, католической церквы, просвещения на польском языке и функционирования польского языка на исследуемой территории. Кроме Могилёва авторы статьи посетили Чаусы, Фащевку и Бесчине. В этих местностях возрождаются католические приходы. Евангелизация и богослужения ведутся на белорусском языке. Только в Могилёве ежедневно одна месса происходит на польском языке. Выводы: Польским языком на Могилёвщине пользовались с XVI века, что подтверждают городские хроники и надписи на местном Польском кладбище. Кроме того он был (за исключением приходов, которые вели иезуиты, которые вели римскокатолическое вероучение на национальных языках) языком молитвы и литургии. По мере усиливания руссификации во время разделов Польши, использование польского языка уменьшалось. Очередной период (20-е и 30-е годы ХХ века) борьбы с католической церковью и религией стали причиной прекращения передачи польского языка даже в тех семьях, в которых он сохранился в предыдущий период. Одновременно прекратилась польская традиция. В настоящее время трудно найти людей, говорящих на давнем местном польском языке. Польский язык, насыщенный региональными диалектными чертами, встречается ещё у лиц, которые прибыли на Могилёвщину после второй мировой войны. Мы обнаружили ещё одну разновидность польского языка – это язык выученный в школе и на языковых курсах. В общем польский язык на Могилёвщине сильно дифференцирован в зависимости от индивида, а его качество от степени присвоения данного кода. Опираясь на возрождающийся католицизм и польский язык у многих молодых людей, которые обнаружили свои польские корни, наступает процесс реконструкции польского самосознания.


1970 ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Nawaf Kabbara

The Lebanese parliamentary election was a very decisive moment in the country’s history. As a result of this election, a new parliamentary majority and discourse dominated the political scene. The election was also peculiar concerning the disability cause in Lebanon. For the first time in the history of Lebanon’s elections, disability became an issue. In fact, the Lebanese disability movement succeeded in launching two different but complementary campaigns during the election. The first one was engineered by both the Lebanese Physical Handicapped Union and the Youth Blind Association. Under the title “Haqqi” or “My Right,” the campaign focused on the right of people with disability to practice one of their most important rights: the political right to vote.


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