The “Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere”: A New Boundary for Taiwanese People and the Taiwanese Capital, 1940–1945 (臺灣人的對外移民與投資, 1940–1945)

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Man-houng Lin (林滿紅)
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Overseas Chinese ◽  
Pacific War ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Taiwanese People ◽  
Overseas Investment ◽  
Direction Opposite

This article deals with Taiwanese civilian emigration and overseas investment in the period of 1940–1945 when Japan engaged the Greater East Asian War. Taiwan in general, and some Taiwanese in particular, helped the reconstruction of Japanese occupied areas in this war. Overseas Taiwanese mainly worked as employees for Japanese stores, companies, mines, plantations, and Japanese government offices, but also opened stores, factories, plantations and banks by themselves. As overseas ethnic Chinese, the Taiwanese civilian emigrants examined in this paper moved in the direction opposite that of other overseas Chinese holding Chinese nationality. The Taiwanese populace expanded overseas to Greater East Asia, while Chinese nationals withdrew from this area and returned to China. Thus, this paper will illustrate how the phrase, “people should fight for their country,” bore different meanings for these two different types of overseas Chinese in the Asia-Pacific War theater of wwii. 1930至40年代，中日學者曾就華僑的定義進行討論。吳主惠將華僑定義為定居於海外的中國人及其後裔，不包括駐外政府官員和留學生。吳氏認為華僑的最嚴格定義，是指定居海外但仍保有中國國籍者。1933年日本大藏省為替局統計臺灣地區約有46,000至47,000名華僑，便是依據這樣的定義。吳氏指出，在此嚴格定義下，華人後裔如不具中國國籍者，便非華僑。另有一種較為寬鬆的定義是: 無論是否具中國國籍，凡定居或曾赴海外的中國人及其後裔皆為華僑，井出季和太即持此見。關於日本統治臺灣時期的臺灣人國籍，根據日本大藏省為替局的解釋，由於馬關條約簽訂後的二年內，臺灣人得自由決定離去與否，留下臺灣者為日本國民。這些成為日本國民的臺灣人或其祖先曾具有中國國民的身分，因而1933年的340萬臺灣人也被視為較寬定義下的華僑。在日本建構所謂的「大東亞共榮圈」時期 (1940–1945)，許多不具軍人身分的臺灣人向海外移民或投資，與之相反的是，擁有中國國籍的華僑在此時期則多回歸故里。在大東亞戰爭時期的華人，由於出身不同，「為國而戰」一詞對於他們的意義也因而分歧。 (This article is in English.)

scholarly journals Security expertise and international hierarchy: the case of ‘The Asia-Pacific Epistemic Community’

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 494-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Björn Jerdén
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Social Order ◽  
International Security ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Epistemic Community ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Stability ◽  
General Explanation

AbstractMany states partially relinquish sovereignty in return for physical protection from a more powerful state. Mainstream theory on international hierarchies holds that such decisions are based on rational assessments of the relative qualities of the political order being offered. Such assessments, however, are bound to be contingent, and as such a reflection of the power to shape understandings of reality. Through a study of the remarkably persistent US-led security hierarchy in East Asia, this article puts forward the concept of the ‘epistemic community’ as a general explanation of how such understandings are shaped and, hence, why states accept subordinate positions in international hierarchies. The article conceptualises a transnational and multidisciplinary network of experts on international security – ‘The Asia-Pacific Epistemic Community’ – and demonstrates how it operates to convince East Asian policymakers that the current US-led social order is the best choice for maintaining regional ‘stability’.

Historical Memories and China”s Changing Views of East Asia

2002 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 41-57
Author(s):  
Guoqi Xu
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Third World ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
World Country ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific War ◽  
Third World Country ◽  
The World ◽  
The Status ◽  
Historical Memories

AbstractThe use (or misuse) of history for political purposes is not a Chinese specialty. Almost every country in the world does it.1 Even Americans, who are not known for their historical memories, will on occasions use historical arguments. Whenever they contemplate military intervention in a Third World country, an obsession leads them into debate whether it will become another Vietnam.2 The Japanese also use history for their political purposes, as discussed below. The list can go on. But nowhere is the use of history—both remembering and forgetting—more apparent than in current Chinese discussion about the Asia Pacific War with Japan and the status of Taiwan in the world today.

Teaching Chinese in Canada: epics of three Chinese scholars

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-46
Author(s):  
Kenneth Lan
Keyword(s):  
East Asian ◽  
Far East ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Asian Studies ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Canadian Universities ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
Chinese Origin ◽  
Chinese Intellectuals ◽  
East Asian Studies

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reveal the development of Chinese studies in selective Canadian universities through examining the remarkable careers of three middle-aged ethnic Chinese intellectuals. Design/methodology/approach This paper analyses the origin and growth of East Asian Studies programs in Canada by first describing the backgrounds of the three scholars. Why did Canadian universities accept them despite their Chinese origin? Findings Canadian universities are indeed the incubators of racial tolerance. Racism existed in the 1950s but was only confined to the collegial level. Universities generally welcomed a diversified representation of their payroll. While none of three academics founded East Asian Studies programs in their institutions, they had forcibly become their mascots and had lured more students into lifelong studies of the Far East. Despite the early fanfare of their recruitments, all three had become disillusioned with their employers as years passed. They felt their contributions were taken for granted and had shifted their career focuses elsewhere. The Asia-Pacific is still marginally focussed in the Canadian academe. Originality/value The three men and many others in the field have sowed the seed for the study of China and the East Asian region in Canada. It is up to future “East Asianists” to carry on this tradition that they had built in the twentieth century.

scholarly journals A Bridging Role of Winter Snow over Northern China and Southern Mongolia in Linking the East Asian Winter and Summer Monsoons

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (22) ◽  
pp. 9849-9862
Author(s):  
Mengmeng Lu ◽  
Zhiming Kuang ◽  
Song Yang ◽  
Zhenning Li ◽  
Hanjie Fan
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Asian Summer Monsoon ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Northern China ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
The South ◽  
Northerly Wind ◽  
Northern Tibetan Plateau ◽  
Winter Snow

AbstractEurasian snow, one of the most important factors that influence the Asian monsoons, has long been viewed as a useful predictor for seasonal monsoon prediction. In this study, observations and model simulations are used to demonstrate a bridging role of the winter snow anomaly over northern China and southern Mongolia (NCSM) in the relationship between the East Asian winter monsoon (EAWM) and the East Asian summer monsoon (EASM). Enhanced snow in NCSM results in local surface and tropospheric cooling, strengthening the EAWM through cold-air intrusion induced by northerly wind anomalies. In turn, the stronger EAWM provides a favorable condition for enhanced snowfall over East Asia to the south, indicating an active snow–EAWM interaction. The continental cooling could be maintained until summer due to the memory effect of snowmelt and moistening as well as the snow–monsoon interaction in the spring, causing changes in the meridional temperature gradient and associated upper-level westerlies in the summer. The interaction between the strengthened westerlies over the northern Tibetan Plateau and the topography of the plateau could lead to anomalous downstream convergence and compensating divergence to the south. Therefore, anomalous cyclonic circulation and increased rainfall occur over northeastern China and the Korean Peninsula, but anticyclonic circulation and decreased rainfall appear over the subtropical East Asia–Pacific region. Moreover, limited analysis shows that, compared to sea surface temperature feedback, the direct impact of snow anomaly on the EAWM–EASM connection seems more important.

Russia and East Asia Challenges

2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 58-71
Author(s):  
A. Fedorovskii
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Legal System ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Pacific Area

The article deals with the prospects for Russia’s “pivot to the East” taking into account main chances as well as risks in the context of growing challenges in East Asia. The author stresses that national and regional misbalances in East Asia are the results of the dynamic development of East Asian countries during the last 15 years. “Middle class trap” is at the agenda as the main common problem in China and ASEAN member countries. The analysis focuses also on such issues as broad scaled corruption and state-controlled legal system, quality of political, social institutions and social lifts, role of nationalism and culture. Regional misbalances in infrastructure and R&D as well as the crisis of regional institutions are characterized as new challenges to integration trends in East Asia and Asia-Pacific area in general. According to the author’s view, there are three different types of policies to meet the domestic challenges and to overcome “middle class trap”: Japanese, South Korean and Chinese. Prime Minister Ikeda’s “income-doubling plan” accompanied by public activity is described as an effective reform-oriented policy. South Korea’s transition from dictatorship to democratic society and more flexible economy is another type of positive reform policy. According to China’s modern domestic strategy, a lot of attention is paid to administrative measures against corruption, modification of social policy, reforms of banks, etc. At the same time, public activities and legal system, in spite of some improvements, are still under rigid administrative control. Meanwhile, the role of law will be crucial factor of successful development of East Asian countries at the stage of “middle class economy”. To a large scale, the prospects for regional integration depend on growing creative role of China (for example, investments into regional infrastructure and establishment of special bank, initiations of the Asia-Pacific Free Trade Area). At the same time, China will continue cooperation and dialogue with other countries, first of all with the USA. ASEAN members increase their activity to improve sub-regional cooperation and relations with United States and Japan in order to couterbalance China’s influence in East Asia. Finally, the author describes Russia’s policy towards East Asia and the Pacific, including brief history, main trends and key priorities at the current stage. “Free Vladivostok port” and some other initiatives to realize more flexible economic strategy towards East Asia and Pacific will give opportunity for Russia to promote its integration into the Pacific Area. Transition of Russia’s export structure from resources and energy to innovation goods and services is at the agenda.

Tokyo will push to keep influence in South-east Asia

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Asian Leadership ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy

Subject Outlook for South-east Asia-Japan relations. Significance Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe meets US President Donald Trump on February 10. This follows his January 12-17 tour of the Philippines, Vietnam, Indonesia and Australia and new US defence secretary James Mattis's visit to Tokyo and South Korea last week. China’s assertiveness and influence in the Asia-Pacific region, and the policy uncertainties surrounding the Trump administration threaten Japan’s traditional foreign and security policy settings and East and South-east Asian leadership role. Impacts South-east Asian states will try to play China and Japan off against each other for improved infrastructure financing. Australia and Japan are now the leading countries committed to the TPP’s continued relevance. Vietnam is likely to seek deeper economic and security ties with Japan. Japan may face US pressure to conduct South China Sea freedom-of-navigation patrols.

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